CONTENTS
but
is it privatisation
by
Ebrahim-Khalil Hassen
'A
veil over our intelligence'. This is how a senior unionist describes
the iGoli 2002 plan. The Johannesburg Metropolitan Council (JMC)
maintains that public-private partnerships (PPPs) - which are the
plan's preferred route - are not privatisation, but a way to reorganise
and improve service delivery.
Rationale
The
plan has drawn lavish praise from business and government. Given
the city's financial and institutional problems, this is understandable.
Indeed, few would argue that the Johannesburg Metro does not need
a quick and thorough transformation. Rising debt, ineffective delivery
systems and a rule-driven culture are all features of the Metro.
In short, it is an example of all that can go wrong in a municipality.
The
plan seeks to solve these problems by changing the institutional
form of the Metro and by increasing the capital budget. The administrative
changes are many and varied. The logic behind them is, however,
simple. 'Non-core' activities, which include running the airports
and stadiums, will be privatised. Depending on how citizens pay
for services, 'core' activities will be turned either into public
utilities or into corporatised entities. Water and electricity -
called 'trading services' - are individually billed and will be
run by a public utility. Other services like stormwater drainage
are 'shared services'. They will be run by a corporatised entity.
The
JMC hopes that these changes will result in an enlarged capital
budget by the 2002 financial year. Development will, hopefully follow.
As a council official puts it: 'Let's first get the systems right,
rather than develop grandiose plans'.
Eroding
democracy
The
obvious omissions in the plan are that it does not specify delivery
targets, nor does it explicitly propose ways of cross-subsidising
poorer citizens. It also signals the council's declining influence
over service delivery and, consequently, less democratic space.
In American cities, closed and informal pacts between the private
sector and government officials have eroded local democracy. Alternatives
to this model do exist, such as participatory budgeting in Porto
Alerge (see page 7).
Privatisation?
The
plan poses significant challenges to trade unions.
PPPs
are transactionally different from privatisation. With privatisation,
government transfers ownership of a service to the private sector
and no longer plays any role in the enterprise. With PPP's the government
does not transfer ownership. Instead, the private sector manages
and operates the enterprise.
International
experience shows, however, that PPPs are often a stepping stone
to full privatisation. They provide the institutional form for increased
private ownership. Even public utilities - which are wholly owned
by local governments - are not immune. Sub-contracting arrangements
open the door to further private involvement.
Less
contentious than definitional issues is the role of PPPs in extending
service delivery. In Buenos Aires, private contractors have simply
reneged on a commitment to extend services. The local council lacks
the regulatory capacity to enforce the contract. Similar experiences
have occurred in other developing countries.
Johannesburg
could craft a different development path to using PPPs. As a starting
point, stepped tariffs for water and electricity would allow for
redistribution between the rich and poor. Work reorganisation and
locating staff 'on the ground' would increase efficiency and transparency.
Experiences in Tilburg (Holland) indicate that these proposals are
a practical alternative.
Union
challenges
The
experiment in the large and politically powerful JMC raises questions
for trade unions and broader civil society:
The
first is that the unions have had little success in stopping unilateral
restructuring. The City Manager, Ketso Gordhan, has indicated that,
despite the dispute between the council and the unions, 40% of the
plan has been implemented. Unilateral implementation is not new,
but it does highlight a central union dilemma: should they be cutting
the best deals for members even though they disagree with the plans,
or should they continue to fight even though they don't have the
leverage to stop the plan? Alternatively, are there strategies which
would increase union influence over restructuring?
The
local government transformation process also means that unions will
need to search for new forms of security for workers. These could
include a proper consultation process and improved career paths.
In the iGoli 2002 experience, the council offered a no-retrenchment
guarantee as a sweetener and also committed itself to transferring
workers to the private sector employer with full benefits. Unfortunately,
the process has been so fractious that these new forms of security
have not yet been tested.
Finally,
the unions' concerns about the capacity of council to manage complex
contracts are justified. The JMC sold metro-gas to a private consortium,
but faced a major hitch when it was discovered that the gas station
is a national monument. Another example, is the 'lease-buy back'
agreement for the Metro head office in Braamfontein which could
not be sold as it is still bonded to another party. These blunders
require even the most ardent supporters of privatisation to rethink
their positions.
New
directions
The
iGoli 2002 plan looks set for a rocky implementation. Trade unions
are likely to face similar restructuring initiatives across the
country. At this point in time, a series of processes are being
undertaken to reach an agreement between the unions and council.
In the meantime, the unions continue to mobilise and the council
continues to implement. It is possible that the real veil over our
intelligence lies in not recognising that conflict is not a condition
for rapid and democratic transformation. 
Ebrahim-Khalil
Hassen works on public sector issues at NALEDI.
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Realities
'Accelerated
service delivery' is the new theme of government, and rightly so.
Millions of people have been waiting patiently for real service
delivery to reach them.
With
this in mind, government has unveiled draft legislation for municipal
partnerships.
The
draft legislation favours service delivery partnerships between
local governments and the private sector. Can the profit motive
accompany service delivery to very poor communities, or will it
lead to a 'two-tier' service delivery model of the haves and the
have-nots? There are those who argue that private sector efficiency
will mean cost savings and lower prices. They also maintain that
local governments can bind private sector partners contractually
to deliver to all. However, weak local government regulatory capacity
does not inspire confidence.
The
pricing of services also threatens to undermine all forms of delivery.
In some water projects, consumption has fallen due to high cost-recovery
prices. Many poor people are unable to afford safe water and are
returning to unsafe water sources - undermining the very reason
for 'accelerated service delivery'! Falling consumption then raises
the cost per (remaining) user, leading to a vicious cycle of exclusion
from services.
Behind
this crisis, intergovernmental transfers to local governments have
declined by 85% since 1991. GEAR's failure to create jobs also means
that poverty among municipal residents is increasing, reducing the
revenue potential of local authorities. Simply put, the fat-reducing
goal of South Africa's conservative macro-economic policies is now
destroying the muscle of social transformation!
Ravi
Naidoo, Director, NALEDI
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Redrawing
the map
by
Patrick Bond
In
early February, the Queenstown municipality cut service-charges
rebates to households earning less than R1 300 per month from 40%
to 25%. According to the Daily Dispatch, this was due to 'a decrease
in intergovernmental grants and subsidies to the council for the
poor'. As cutoffs of water and electricity commenced, SAMWU's Thobile
Maso railed against the 'merciless and offensive plan to target
the very poorest families.'
The
Council replied that the 40% rebate cost R3,9 million a month, while
Pretoria and Bisho together only allocated R3 million. Compared
to most Eastern Cape municipalities, Queenstown is relatively wealthy.
This
is only one instance of a municipal governance crisis momentarily
disguised by technical jargon like 'fiscal decentralisation', 'demarcation',
the 'equitable share' and 'indigence grants'. All these buzzwords
represent policy initiatives that have emerged in response to the
worst financial problems that South African local government has
ever faced.
Of
the 843 municipalities today, fewer than 300 will survive a shakeout
later this year. The losers have been judged 'unlivable', which
simply means that they are not financially self-sufficient under
the present conditions of economic stagnation, growing income inequality
and fiscal squeeze.
Gear's
failure is partly responsible. Like the anticipated 400 000 new
jobs each year and 6% sustainable annual growth by 2000, the 100
000 new municipal-level jobs associated with new infrastructure
investment promised by Gear did not materialise.
Instead,
the Finance Ministry's fiscal squeeze has been brutal. According
to the Financial and Fiscal Commission, the size of the 'intergovernmental
grant' from central to local levels recently fell to a point 85%
lower in real terms than in 1991.
Impact
What
impact will municipality-shrinkage have on local democracy? The
geographical distance between small-town residents and their elected
representatives will grow dramatically. In many areas, what was
once a one kilometre trip to visit the town council to conduct basic
business may now be 100 km.
Most
worrisome, the strategy of combining several impoverished municipalities
with one another, as is planned for ex-homeland areas, does not
create one financially viable town, but rather the reverse.
Is
strangling local government necessary because no other funds are
available? Over the 1994-2000 period, the corporate tax rate was
slashed by nearly 40%, and repayment of illegitimate apartheid debt
became the government's second-largest expenditure.
Does
the private sector offer a way out? The mantra of PPPs is, in reality,
completely unlivable in a context of mass municipal destitution.
The Demarcation Board conceded in February that only 100 of the
300 new metropolitan, district and municipal entities could offer
sufficient profits to attract private sector partners.
Is
there an alternative to providing local government services based
more on community and worker control, with sufficient resources
to prevent today's municipal services cuts? Our modeling of the
costs of a nationwide rollout of adequate infrastructure suggests
a decade-long cost of R12 billion per annum. If recurrent (operating
and maintenance) expenses associated with consumption are paid for
through cross-subsidisation by the larger consumers (wealthy households,
big corporations), only an additional 10% expenditure would be needed
beyond what is presently planned to finance the added capital costs
for water, sanitation, electricity, tarred roads and stormwater
drainage.
In
addition to the strong economic multiplier effect of investing in
labour-intensive infrastructure, there are billions of rands to
be gained in cost savings - from foregone public health expenses,
environmental clean-up, and improvements in women's socio-economic
status that are presently the side-effects of inadequate municipal
services.
The
time is ripe, with the rise of protests against World Bank-designed
neoliberal 'development' here and abroad, to reinsert the demands
of communities and workers. The numbers add up in their favour.
Source:
Local Government in a system of intergovernmental fiscal relations
in South Africa, Discussion Document, 1997, Financial and Fiscal
Commission
Patrick
Bond is an associate professor at the Wits PMDM. He writes in his
personal capacity.
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Lessons
from Hermanus
by
Ronnie Kasrils
The
water management practices of many local authorities still subsidise
the rich at the expense of investing in the poor - and at the expense
of the environment. Such practices inhibit efforts to bring about
equity, efficiency and sustainability in the supply and use of water.
Of
course, there are exceptions. One of the most celebrated is the
initiative in Hermanus, near Cape Town.
In
1996, Hermanus recognized that it has a water management problem.
A core consideration in water management is the peak demand for
water and the capacity to store, treat and deliver water to meet
the demand.
On
the advice of the then National Water Conservation Campaign, Hermanus
embarked on an integrated plan for water management. Following discussions
held in July 1996, the plan was devised and implemented by October
1996. It worked on a combination of 'carrots' and 'sticks'. The
incentives included informative billing, intense communication,
education through water-wise gardening, a revolutionary approach
to pre-payment metering, and water audits at schools, Disincentives
were applied through tariffs and regulations.
The
initial results were exceptional. There was a 30% reduction in peak-demand
for water (per stand), but a 20% increase in revenue from water
sales. This was earmarked to promote water security in the town
(for example, through joint funding of a labour-intensive Working
for Water project to clear water-consumptive invading alien plants).
Equally
remarkable was that a random survey revealed a 96% level of support
among residents for the programme. The programme gave Hermanus some
breathing-space in terms of the expense of augmenting its water
supply. It has also made an important contribution to a 'sense of
community' in what is a fairly typical remnant of apartheid planning.
It has - after Durban, with its zero tariff for the first six kilolitres
per stand per month - the most socially just water tariffs in the
country. The poor can now afford water. In addition, they have come
up with innovative options that they offer customers in terms of
supply and have an exemplary once-off programme to fix leaks, thereby
making sure that users are paying for water they actually use. This
has led to a 10% reduction in water use and the best levels of payment
for water (93%) in the country.
Tariffs
Water
tariffs have been a key factor in the success of the programme.
The
tariffs are structured on the principle that those who use so much
that new sources of water may need to be found should pay more towards
the costs of providing water.
Hermanus
has an 11-point escalating block-rate tariff scale, starting at
R0,30 per kilolitre and peaking at R10,00 per kilolitre at levels
of over 100 kilolitres per month. Regrettably, the town has not
seen fit to increase the middle and upper end of the tariff scale
over the three-and-a-half years in which the programme has run (to
keep pace with inflationary costs). Nor have they yet decided on
whether to reduce the bottom block (0-5 kilolitres) to zero charge
for all users, as we have advocated. This has certainly reduced
the impact of the tariff scale.
Hermanus
has also experimented with a tariff scale that is fair, yet ultimately
supportive, for commercial users of water. This important work needs
more development.
The
communication programme - a second vital component of the programme
- has been allowed to diminish. Other components of the integrated
plan, such as the retrofitting of households with water-saving devices,
have yet to be implemented. Nor has the fixing of leaks, including
on the residents' side of the meters, been given full attention.
The
way forward
The
efforts of Hermanus and Durban have helped to show us what it possible.
Although conditions in local authorities vary considerably, it is
my belief that we can develop a set of principles that will guide
our actions in most circumstances.
In
the past two years, the Department has developed a Water Conservation
and Water Demand Management Strategy for Water Service Industries
and Local Authorities, as part of the National Water Resource Strategy.
It is currently investigating practical ways in which all local
authorities may be able to give access to a basic level of water
free of charge (and thereafter ensure that users pay appropriate
prices for their levels of use).
As
with the development and implementation of any strategy, there are
many challenges. But this is surely an initiative that is in all
of our enlightened self-interests. We can, and must, make it work.
Ronnie
Kasrils is the Minister of Water Affairs and Forestry.
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Can
PPPs deliver?
by
Thami Ngqungwana
Municipalities
are confronted by serious constraints. These include:
- lack
of capacity and experience;
- the
failure of communities to pay for services;
- the
poor quality and lack of sustainability for some of the projects.
The
new demarcation of 1995 also expanded the responsibilities of municipalities
without increasing their budgets.
Faced
with these constraints, government is determined to implement the
municipal service partnership as an alternative form of service
delivery. This would see the government becoming the ensurer of
service delivery, rather than directly providing services.
Government
and others argue that the private sector is better able to generate
capital for municipalities and bring in new skills. They also say
that the public sector is incapable of delivering alone, and that
partnerships would assist in releasing resources from the private
sector to implement major development objectives. Privatisation,
it is argued, will lead to the reduction of costs, improved delivery,
a stimulus to the private sector and better managerial practices
associated with private corporations.
However
there is a strong likelihood that the profit motive will lead to
retrenchments. There is also a danger that the poor will not be
serviced as well as high-income earners. South Africa could end
up consolidating a 'two-tier' service delivery model, the 'haves'
and the 'have-nots'.
The
municipalities of Nelspruit and Dolphin Coast recently adopted PPPs.
Nelspruit went this route because the municipal capital budget is
R30 million, compared to the R250 million it needs for infrastructure
expenditure following the expansion of its service jurisdiction.
Both
municipalities implemented a concession system. Since the projects
are new, it is difficult to assess whether or not they have been
successful. While workers' jobs have been secured, the credibility
of the companies they have entered into partnership with appears
to be in question. Giving such companies a 30 year contract is not
a good idea.
Alternatives
The
South African Municipal Workers' Union (SAMWU) believes that it
is possible to develop a public sector option for service delivery.
This would involve expanding the capacity of existing public and
parastatal structures to meet the basic needs of all South Africans
in a way that is equitable, effective and affordable both for the
broad community as well as municipal employees.
One
alternative is public-public partnerships, which would involve different
entities and levels of government in addressing local government
problems. The ODI water project in Northwest is a good example of
such a project. Previously, the situation was chaotic. Today people
are paying for services and feel a sense of ownership of the project.
Public-community
partnerships are a further alternative. NGOs and CBOs have proven
to be effective in transferring skills and instilling a spirit of
ownership. In general, they provide cheaper services than the private
sector. Kwazulu-Natal and Northern Province have rich experiences
in this field.
Thami
Ngqungwana is a researcher at NALEDI.
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Defining
PPPs
PPPs
are defined as a contractual agreement between government and the
private sector to deliver a service to the community. These contracts
can take a number of different forms:
- A
service contract, whereby an agreed amount is paid to a private
company for a specific service. The contract normally lasts for
1-5 years.
- A
management contract, whereby a private company is paid a regular
amount which is not dependent on tariffs or fees, for the management
and operations of a specific municipal works or service. This
usually lasts for 5-10 years.
- In
terms of a lease contract, a private company leases assets from
the municipality. The municipality retains ownership of assets
and income generated through tariffs charged to users. This is
a long-term contract of 10-15 years.
- With
concessions, the private company charges tariffs and connection
fees. This is usually long-term (15-30 years).
- The
'build, operate, own, transfer' contract is a variation of the
concession or management contract (this is a long-term contract
of 25 years or more).
Defining
PPPs
PPPs
are defined as a contractual agreement between government and the
private sector to deliver a service to the community. These contracts
can take a number of different forms:
- A
service contract, whereby an agreed amount is paid to a private
company for a specific service. The contract normally lasts for
1-5 years.
- A
management contract, whereby a private company is paid a regular
amount which is not dependent on tariffs or fees, for the management
and operations of a specific municipal works or service. This
usually lasts for 5-10 years.
- In
terms of a lease contract, a private company leases assets from
the municipality. The municipality retains ownership of assets
and income generated through tariffs charged to users. This is
a long-term contract of 10-15 years.
- With
concessions, the private company charges tariffs and connection
fees. This is usually long-term (15-30 years).
- The
'build, operate, own, transfer' contract is a variation of the
concession or management contract (this is a long-term contract
of 25 years or more).
Informal
work
by
Francie Lund
Three
important policy shifts over the past decade have given new urgency
to the debate about how local government can support people working
in the informal economy, particularly women workers:
- National
government has acknowledged the significance of and the need to
support the development of small, medium and micro-enterprises
(SMMEs).
- Local
governments have the mandate to support local economic development,
including the informal economy.
- There
has been a growing understanding of the gendered effects of globalisation
on the labour market.
There
is widespread acknowledgement that the extent of informal sector
activity is under-estimated in the national accounts and in household
surveys. The statistics are, however, getting better. In Durban,
for example, a study by the Bureau for Market Research of household
expenditure patterns in the greater Durban Metropolitan Area shows
the contribution of sales through informal outlets very clearly.
Purchases, by black households only, through spazas, street stalls,
backyards, shebeens and homes amounted to R800 million in 1998.
Of course, this is an underestimate. The counted contribution of
7,6% is more likely to be of the order of at least 15%.
Women
are over-represented in the informal economy. They are more likely
to be self-employed in selling fruit and vegetables than in clothing.
They are also likely to earn less than men (as in the formal economy).
On the other hand, globalisation appears to have opened up new opportunities
for work for women. Global changes are blurring the lines between
formal and informal work (if the line was ever very distinct). The
distinction between public and private spaces gets blurred; private
houses are increasingly used as the site for production as well
as shelter, reproduction and maintenance.
Challenges
All
this presents local government with new challenges. Local authorities
are faced with the seemingly contradictory challenge of making local
economies globally competitive, while still fulfilling the commitment
to deliver to poorer areas within urban boundaries - where poorer
people, and specially women, are. They have to engage in the double
act of management and control, on the one hand, and creating new
economic spaces and opportunities for poorer people.
Research
being done at the University of Natal, under the umbrella of the
WIEGO network - Women in Informal Employment: Globalising and Organising
- points to a few areas where change is needed:
Democratic
restructuring
by
David Hall
In
South Africa, the restructuring of municipal services has emphasised
the introduction of business practices and contracting arrangements.
Trade
unions are often presented with the argument that this is the only
alternative. However, international experience suggests otherwise.
There are other very different approaches to local service provision
which focus on the need for 'development by agreement', the central
role that workers have to play in shaping new structures and the
importance of participative democracy.
Latin
America was one of the first places to experience neo-liberal approaches
to the public sector. Public administrators now acknowledge that
errors were made which have to be avoided in future.
New
approaches
Porto
Alegre is a city of 1,3 million people in the far south of Brazil.
The municipality has developed a policy through which ordinary citizens
decide how best to distribute capital expenditure throughout the
city. There has been a sharp reduction in traditional spending on
highly visible construction projects, in favour of massive new spending
on small-scale urbanissation and infrastructure projects on the
city's periphery. Over 14 000 people now participate each year in
the Municipal Budget Council, which decides how the city should
invest in their neighbourhoods.
Regional
forums, which are open to local groups and residents, discuss and
decide on local expenditure. They are supported in their work by
Thematic Forums, which deliberate on city-wide issues such as transport,
education and health. These forums draw in business organizations,
unions, professional groups, co-operatives, NGOs, and environmental
movements.
These
processes have led to greater transparency and participation. The
new system has also redirected resources to small infrastructure
projects in the poor neighbourhoods of the city.
Democracy
All
over the world, local government and public services are being restructured
on the basis of:
- participation
of all citizens;
- engagement
of workers and their trade unions;
- positive
use of collective organisations;
- complete
openness of documents and procedures;
- devolution
of decisions on how money is spent;
- local
accountability, even at the expense of business interests; and
- sensitivity
to the needs of communities and workers.
These
reforms have had a range of tangible effects, not only on procedures
but on material results:
- expenditure
is shifting to small local infrastructure;
- local
community development is enhanced;
- employee
morale is higher;
- corruption
is reduced; and
- multinationals
may find their projects obstructed.
Given
the creation of the unicities and the need for development plans,
there is no doubt that South African municipal services need to
be restructured. International experiences offer some exciting,
but practical, lessons on how a democratic and devolved local government
system can be developed.
A
different approach to restructuring could use different principles:
- identifying
the economic, social and service needs of the whole unicity community;
- developing
plans by engaging all civics and economic groups;
- reviewing
the diversity of international experience and initiatives;
- adopting
a critical approach to solutions proposed by private businesses.
David
Hall is the Director, Public Services International Research
Unit (PSIRU), University of Greenwich, London, UK. This article
is based on a longer report prepared for the South African affiliates
of the Public Services International (PSI), and published by
SAMWU. The full report is available from SAMWU (samwu@apc.org)
or from PSIRU (psiru@psiru.org).
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NALEDI
research report
This
research round-up lists recent NALEDI research and highlights forthcoming
work
Globalisation's
impact
Economic
globalisation is a major challenge to the power and the future of
trade unions. Ongoing economic restructuring and changes in the
structure of work and employment demand an appropriate response
from unions.
NALEDI
recently conducted a research survey among unionists attending the
Southern Initiative on Globalisation and Trade Union Rights (SIGTUR)
Conference and the International Federation of Chemical, Energy,
Mine and General Workers' Unions (ICEM) congress.
The
research looked at:
- how
trade unions view globalisation;
- the
impact of globalisation on union activity;
- the
challenges facing trade unions in an era of economic globalisation;
- how
unions should respond to economic globalisation; and
- strategies
unions have come up with.
The
researchers also asked South African trade unionists to identify
what they see as the key issues regarding economic globalisation.
Indepth interviews were conducted with trade unionists from different
parts of the world.
One
of the important findings of the study is that globalisation presents
both problems and opportunities for unions. Some of the problems
relate to ongoing job losses and retrenchments in many sectors -
especially those that are resorting to modern technology as a way
of speeding up production. Opportunities identified include the
creation of space for information exchange and increased prospects
for international working class solidarity.
Towards
equity
The
government has passed employment equity legislation which is intended
to increase access to employment, promotion and advancement in the
workplace for black people, women and the disabled.
NALEDI's
research aims to highlight the key challenges facing labour in its
quest to ensure that the legislation is used to advance workers.
It will focus particularly on black women workers. By opening up
employment opportunities for women and requiring employers to eliminate
barriers to the employment of designated groups, the Act provides
the opportunity to challenge occupational segregation on the basis
of gender. Case studies will be conducted to highlight experiences
of discrimination and disadvantage in the workplace, as well as
look as management and union strategies in the implementation of
employment equity.
The
effective implementation of this legislation requires clear union
strategies. Unions need to ensure that opportunities are created
for the most disadvantaged sectors in our society and that the benefits
of affirmative action reach beyond the shopfloor.
Social
dialogue
Trade
unions have always played an important role in the struggle for
democracy. They are also the leading civil society movements in
many African countries. Even traditional critics of unions, such
as the World Bank, now acknowledge that they are 'the most lively
defenders of democracy'. This role is becoming increasingly important
in Africa, where the lack of democratic political institutions has
been recognised as a barrier to development.
In
the context of economic and political change, Southern Africa is
embracing tripartite forms of dialogue as a means of working towards
the resolution of complex societal challenges.
The
International Labour Organisation (ILO) has commissioned NALEDI
to conduct a study on social dialogue institutions in Namibia and
South Africa. This study is part of a larger work programme between
NALEDI and the Institute for Applied Social Sciences (Fafo).
The
report critically assesses South Africa and Namibia's experience
of social dialogue from a labour perspective. It looks at:
- existing
social dialogue frameworks in the two countries;
- the
experiences of the trade union movements at national social dialogue
level; and
- the
relationship between tripartite institutions and parliament and
the relationship between various labour groupings and federations.
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NALEDI
undertakes labour and economic research. Its main focus is policy
research which will build the capacity of the labour movement to
engage effectively with the challenges of our new society.NALEDI
is an initiative of COSATU, but is controlled by an independent
board.
NALEDI's main focus areas are labour markets, economic, trade and
industrial policy, union organisation and women and work. Our activities
include the production of research reports and policy memos, facilitating
workshops and training and library facilities and resources.
Contact NALEDI at:
6th floor COSATU House, 1 Leyds Street,
Braamfontein, Johannesburg. PO Box 5665
Johannesburg 2000
Tel: (011) 403-2122
Fax: (011) 403-1948
email: naledi@wn.apc.org
website:http://www.naledi.org.za
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