Vol 2 No 1

CONTENTS

A transformative budget?
by Fiona Tregenna

The government's latest budget has been given the 'thumbs up' by most commentators. The general view is that it is 'responsible' and gave no major surprises. But while the budget certainly has strong points, it falls short of being a 'tool for transformation'.

Social services
On the expenditure side, there are limited changes. The amount of money allocated for social services has:

  • fallen slightly as a proportion of all expenditure (from 47,7% in 1998/9 to 47,2% in 1999/2000);

  • fallen as a proportion of GDP (from 15,1% in 1998/99 to 14,6% in 1999/2000);

  • fallen in real terms from the 1998/99 allocation.
The budget speech made several references to targeting women and the poor. During the course of the year, progress in these areas will need to be tracked. The National Expenditure Survey is a positive innovation, which can be one of the mechanisms for such an evaluation.

Debt
Interest payments ­ which have increased in both real and nominal terms ­ are consuming more and more government expenditure and leaving less resources for meeting basic needs. This is one of the devastating effects of high interest rates on our economy. In his budget speech, Finance Minister, Trevor Manuel, spoke of the direct impact high rates have on poor and working people. The indirect impact ­ less money for social spending ­ only makes things worse. Hopefully, interest rates will be reduced in the course of the year.

Revenue The reduction in company tax from 35% to 30% was unexpected. It is, however, consistent with historical trends towards reducing corporate taxation and increasing the burden on individuals. In the context of the current 'investment strike' by the private sector, however,it is unlikely that companies will use the money they save to create jobs. Instead, it might well mean that working people subsidise higher dividends, offshore investment, and other unproductive diversions of surplus.

On the positive side, the budget gives tax relief to middle income earners ­ a step towards greater progressivity of the tax system. Pressure from some quarters for increases in VAT ­ a highly regressive tax ­ were also avoided. Other taxes which COSATU has been calling for ­ such as a capital gains tax, wealth tax, land tax, and a special excise tax on luxury goods ­ appear not to have been considered.

Public sector
The Budget Speech dwelt on the issue of the public service wage bill and hinted at further 'downsizing'. Such a view draws an arbitrary distinction between capital and current expenditure, and ignores the fact that it is public servants who are the arms and legs of delivery.

Any such intentions would need to be reconciled with the recent agreements reached in the Public Service Co-ordinating Bargaining Council. In fact, the audit process agreed to in this body is likely to reveal serious understaffing in critical areas of service delivery.

The Budget Speech also made reference to the restructuring of the Government Employees Pension Fund ­ this will be an area to watch in the course of the year.

Targets
It is noteworthy that some of the most restrictive GEAR targets have either been adjusted or have not been met. The upward adjustment of the deficit target (from 3% to 3,5% of revenue:GDP ratio (from 25% to 26,9%), apart from releasing some additional resources, could be interpreted as an acknowledgement of the unfeasibility of GEAR.

Nevertheless, fiscal discipline and the restrictive monetary environment still limit the extent to which the budget can be used to meet basic needs. It cannot be described as a budget which will alter the current distribution of wealth. Although no specific announcements were made about exchange controls, it was indicated that there will be further liberalisation in the course of the year. This is the last thing we need in the context of capital outflows and destabilising speculative capital movements.

Process
On the process side, although there have been advances ­including improved multi-year planning through the Medium term Expenditure Framework and improved structures of accountability to parliament through the soon to be legislated Public Financial Control Bill ­ serious problems remain.

The futility of current processes led to COSATU's continuing non-participation in the Parliamentary Budget Hearings. Hopefully, one of the legislative priorities of the new government will be a democratisation of the entire budget process in line with the spirit and letter of the Constitution.

Fiona Tregenna is an economist at NALEDI. This article draws on the COSATU response to the 1999/2000 budget.

Change in selected source of revenue 1990/91 - 2001/2


 
The right plan?

The national budget provides an important indicator of how the government plans to manage the economy. With 30% of the world's economies in recession, and the rest likely to follow in the next year or two, finding the right economic plan will be crucial. To protect South Africa from the effects of this slowdown, the domestic economy needs to be bolstered. There are encouraging signs that government is moving along this path.

This issue of the Policy Bulletin focuses on the budget. We also examine the growing phenomenon of South African firms relocating to neighbouring countries, using the clothing industry as a case study. Low wages and lack of labour standards appear to be one attraction. The withdrawal of these firms from already low wage locations highlights the danger workers face in the global 'race to the bottom'. Further evidence of this is presented in the article on undocumented migrants in South Africa's construction industry.

Hopefully, 1999 will see the recommendations of the Job Summit being implemented. The labour movement has launched its Job Creation Fund. Other social sectors have also made funding commitments. At the end of the day, though, it is the budget, and the vision it brings, that will determine whether or not South Africa finds its way out of the unemployment trap.

Ravi Naidoo
Director, NALEDI


 
Analysis of budget expenditure

Consolidated provincial and national spending ­ percent change from previous year, real terms

Function 1996/7 1997/8 1998/9 1999/2000
inflation at 5.5% inflation at 7.6%
2000/1 2001/2
General government 16,9 -9,8 -26,1 5,1 3,0 -0,2 4,6
Protection Services 3,9 -2,3 8,2 -1,9 -4,0 0,4 0,6
Defense -6,4 -16, 9 1,2 -2,3 -4,4 -4,0 -0,0
Police 14,5 7,3 2,6 0,4 -1,7 -0,0 0,0
Prisons 6,7 18,2 35,1 -8,8 -10,9 10,7 2,5
Justice -1,9 10,0 24,1 1,4 -0,7 1,6 1,8
Social services 2,0 1,2 3,9 -0,5 -2,6 1,7 1,0
Education 5,2 -4,8 7,4 -0,8 -2,9 1,7 1,0
Health 6,8 1,6 7,4 -2,0 -4,1 5,1 3,5
Social security & welfare -0,2 4,6 -2,9 -2,6 -4,7 0,0 0,3
Housing & community development -54,8 154,9 95,6 10,0 7,9 -3,8 -4,0
Other 3,7 -11,1 -81,2 -4,2 -6,3 7,1 -0,4
Economic services 3,3 -10,7 -5,3 -7,9 -10,0 3,0 2,0
Water 49,0 -21,2 25,1 -10,2 -12,3 15,7 1,4
Fuel & energy -8,1 -7,6 -81,6 -38,6 -40,7 42,3 17,7
Agriculture, forestry, fishing 17,6 -5,3 -30,7 -2,5 -4,6 -10,9 5,7
Mining, manufacturing, construction       -8,6 -10,7 5,4 -3,3
Transport & communication   -12,8 5,7 -6,9 -9,0 4,3 -1,3
Other       -13,0 -15,1 3,9 9,7
Interest 9,2 4,0 5,9 5,2 3,1 -1,2 1,4
Source: Department of Finance, Budget Review 1998 and1999

The above table indicates year-by-year real changes in different categories of expenditure, over the period 1996/7 to 2001/2. For example, at 5,5% inflation social services would be cut by 0,5% in real terms over last year's allocation, while if the last year's average inflation rate of 7,6% were to continue, these services would be cut by 2,6% in real terms. Even at the Department of Finance's projection of 5,5% inflation over the forthcoming fiscal year, the only functions to receive real increases in expenditure are general government services and unallocatable expenditure, police, justice, and housing. (This could change if rollovers were taken account of.)

Notes

  1. These figures are based on budgeted and projected,as opposed to actual expenditure.
  2. In terms of real changes for 1999/2000, the figure of 5,5% inflation is based on the Department of Finance's projection for 1999/2000 while the figure of 7,6% is the average inflation figure for 1998.
  3. Rollovers are not deducted from these figures.
  4. Slight differences may be due to roundup up of figures.

 
Organise all workers


by Rob Rees

All over the world, employers in the construction sector use migrant labour. Unlike manufacturing industry, which can move to areas where labour is cheap, the construction bosses have to get cheap labour to come to the site.

The South African construction industry has faced long term decline for several decades. Employers have responded to falling profits by using labour-only subcontractors. Accurate figures are hard to obtain, but it is possible that up to half of all the workers in our construction sector are foreign. Many come from Mozambique. Many are undocumented ­ they either entered the country illegally or are working without proper documentation.

Exploitation
The benefits to the bosses are obvious. Migrants are paid lower wages and receive few, if any, of the benefits that construction workers are entitled to. They work 'endless' hours and offer very little resistance to demands from their employers.

It is important to note that rural South African workers are exploited in the same way in the construction sector.

Organise all workers
The construction unions can, and must, make far more effort to organise these workers. This will involve some serious political decisions. South Africa's foreign migration policies expose undocumented migrant workers to the threat of dismissal and deportation. However, there is a wider question that confronts all construction workers.

Employers are using migrant workers to drive wages and conditions of employment down across the sector. South African workers tend to blame the undocumented migrants for 'stealing' their jobs. Worker ends up fighting worker. The employers are the only ones who benefit.

Unions need to redirect worker anger towards the employers who are breaking the law with such ease. Instead of pushing for increased fines for employers who employ undocumented migrants, they should fight for more effective enforcement of labour legislation and fines for employers who break these laws.

Extending rights
How does a union recruit and fight on behalf of workers who have no legal rights? The unions should demand that the law protect migrants from dismissal and that all workers have the right to strike. POPCRU, whose members deport migrants, should be called upon to show solidarity.

The unions need to move the debate on labour migrancy away from stricter policing and border controls to the struggle for better jobs, wages and conditions not only in South Africa, but in Southern Africa. The Maputo corridor development provides an excellent opportunity to consolidate cross-border organisation of construction workers.What is needed is the organisational will to do so.

Rob Rees is a researcher at NALEDI in the area of union organisation. This article is based on a NALEDI Research Report on the impact of Mozambican migrants in the construction sector.
 
 
The Women's Budget

by Debbie Budlender

The government budget tells us how the government plans to spend its money over the next twelve months. It also says where government expects to find this money ­ for example, how much it will tax companies and individuals, what customs and excise duties it will impose on different goods, and whether there will be any changes in Value Added Tax.

South Africans are not all the same. The government should spend its money on services for those who need them most. The budget should tell us which groups of South Africans will benefit from government spending and which groups will pay for it. Yet, until recently, most discussions on the budget spoke as if the 'average' South African was a white man.

The WBI
The South African Women's Budget Initiative (WBI) was born about three years ago. The WBI does not propose a separate budget for women. Instead it looks at how the main budget has a different impact on women, particularly those who are the poorest.

In education, for example, it looked at the large allocation going to tertiary study, while only 1% of the education budget went for adult basic education and training. Yet 23% of African women aged 25 or more and 16% of African men have never been to school. In labour, it looked at the very small government allocation for UIF, despite the high unemployment rate (much higher for women than men) and the fact that UIF provides for maternity benefits.

The WBI has examined the budgets of all government departments. Often people think that gender issues are only important in the social services such as education, health and welfare. However, there are 27 departments, and researchers found gender imbalances in all of them.

One of the successes of the initiative is that the Department of Finance has now recognised the importance of this type of analysis. Last year's Budget Review, and this year's National Expenditure Survey ­ both tabled on Budget Day ­contained some discussion of gender issues.

Limitations
In general, however, budget information still provides very little explicit information as to the gender, race, locational or other impacts of the projects and programmes which it funds. The Budget Speech and other documents may talk in broad terms about the poor, or about the need to target vulnerable individuals ­typically women, children and the disabled. But these broad statements are not followed through consistently in discussion of all programmes and policies.

It tends, instead, to be confined to a few specific projects such as Welfare's Flagship Programme for Unemployed Women with Young Children, or the Department of Water Affairs and Forestry's Community Water Supply and Sanitation Programme. These programmes are important but they will have very limited impact on gender inequity if gender biases of mainstream programmes are not addressed.

Accountability
With the move towards performance budgeting and indicators, government has acknowledged the need to be accountable as to how it is spending its money. Performance budgeting requires that government agencies say not only how much they intend to spend, but also what they intend to achieve with that expenditure ­ how many clinics they will build, how many pupils they will teach, how many jobs they will create, and so on.

Again, however, the new system will be of limited use in determining whether government is reaching development and equity objectives unless specific information is provided. We need to know where those clinics are being built and what type of services they are offering. We need to know whether the pupils are boys or girls, and what subjects they are studying. We need to know what sort of jobs are created, where, and for whom. These are the kind of changes the WBI is fighting for.

The WBI's research has been published in three books. These can be ordered by email from: faldelah@idasact.org.za
Tel: 021-461 2559
Fax 021-462 0162

Debbie Budlender works for the Community Agency for Social Enquiry and is the coordinator and editor of the Women's Budget Initiative.
 
 
Looking north


by Claire Horton

An increasing number of South African companies are looking north to expand and, in some cases, relocate their production capacities. For the fiscal period 1997/98 investments by South African companies in SADC totaled $82,9-million. Most of these investments have been concentrated in financial intermediation, the retail, mining and energy sectors and, to a lesser extent, manufacturing.

South African trade unions have argued that, in the context of differing labour standards and associated lower wage costs and lower levels of social protection, coupled with highly mobile capital, some industries will relocate to neighbouring countries. Indeed a growing number of manufacturing industries, particularly commodity type goods, are relocating to the SADC region.

In South Africa, the clothing sector is an important employer of women. Women make up approximately 76% of clothing workers. The average figure for other manufacturing sectors is only 31%. Approximately 125 000, mostly black, women work in the clothing sector.

Reasons for relocation
South African clothing firms have relocated to other parts of SADC partly in response to tariff liberalisation, but more importantly to take advantage of preferential trade agreements between South Africa and Malawi and Mozambique respectively. These agreements enable South African firms to make use of Export Processing Zones in these countries. This results in a huge saving, as duties are not paid on inputs, such as fabric, for goods destined for export, mostly to South Africa.

South African firms have also relocated in response to lower wage costs. It is estimated that a qualified machinist in Malawi earns between R119 and R190 per month, while in Mozambique the wage is R176 per month. In South Africa, the same worker would average about R1 474 per month (although many South African workers are currently on short-time and are earning less than this).

Although productivity is lower in these countries, poverty wages and other factors still make it profitable to manufacture there. The research showed that South African firms making use of foreign processing have relatively large operations.

Strategies
One of the Southern African Clothing and Textile Workers Union (SACTWU)'s most important strategies to deal with the problem of relocation has been to forge closer ties with other unions in the region. Building solidarity may be the key to uplifting labour standards in the region. This requires, however, that strong unions are built in each of the SADC countries.

Claire Horton is a researcher at NALEDI. This article was based on a NALEDI research report which looks at the reasons for relocation of clothing and textile companies.

 
Labour in Lesotho

by Rob Rees

The Lesotho and South African labour markets are closely interwoven. Like many of our neighbouring countries, Lesotho has been a source of cheap migratory labour, especially to the mining sector. Despite the differing size of their respective economies, the labour markets do impact on one another. It is for this reason that South African trade unions need to pay attention to unions in Lesotho.

There are three labour federations in Lesotho. Their combined membership in 1997 (the latest figures available) was just over 12 000. Eighty percent of all union members belong to the Congress of Lesotho Trade Unions (COLETU), which was launched at the beginning of 1998. These figures occur in a context where only 99 000 employees found formal wage employment in Lesotho during 1995. Furthermore, 86% of Lesotho's population are engaged in subsistence agriculture and approximately 35% of all its male wage earners work in South Africa.

A new movement
All three labour federations have their immediate origins in the break-up of the Lesotho Labour Congress (LLC), the umbrella body for most of Lesotho's trade unions from 1992-94. Several factors influenced this break-up. These include the dynamising impact on the Lesotho labour movement of the repatriation of thousands of dismissed Lesotho mineworkers, following the 1987 mineworkers strike, and the strategy to build industry unions, as against established AFL-CIO and ICFTU traditions, which encouraged regional general unions.

According to COLETU's General Secretary, there were two major reasons why they decided to form another federation:

  • to establish worker control at all levels, in contrast to both the Lesotho Trade Union Congress (LTUC) and the Lesotho Federation of Democratic Trade Unions (LFDU), where union officials dominate the executive structures.
  • because both these federations failed to intervene in major worker struggles, such as police gunning down construction workers on the Highland Water Project and the 1995 nurse's strike.

A rough analysis of sector employment in Lesotho for 1995 suggests that, with the exception of the LFDU's retail affiliate (NURAW), COLETU affiliates have the largest presence in most sectors of the economy. This is true for teachers (schools are largely run by the churches), for clothing/textiles, which represents about 70% of all manufacturing jobs and for the construction sector, which has grown in relation to the Highland Water Project.

Most of COLETU's membership lies in these three sectors, with two thirds of its overall membership in the clothing and textile union (LECAWU). The Lesotho government has promoted this industry on the basis of out-competing bantustan type labour areas like Qwa Qwa. The costs to workers have been considerable.

Solidarity
COLETU affiliates have engaged in largescale struggles against police brutality and attempts to make labour legislation more restrictive. The federation remains politically unaffiliated, even though some of its more prominent leaders from the teachers' union have connections with the Popular Front for Democracy (PFD) which has some communist influence.

The emergence of a militant and worker controlled labour federation in Lesotho echoes trends in other parts of Southern Africa, notably the mass labour struggles in Zimbabwe and Swaziland, and, on a smaller scale, worker struggles in Mozambique and Namibia. Such developments reinforce the COSATU Congress resolution that calls for the moving away from symbolic solidarity in international work towards concrete solidarity that 'advances the struggle for socialism by the working class.'

This article is based on a NALEDI Policy Memo which looks at trade union federations in Lesotho (Nov '98).

 
NALEDI research report

This research round-up lists recent NALEDI research and highlights forthcoming work.

Wages and bargaining
Wage policy is central to union activities. Moreover, the debate on whether wages are 'too high', the closing of the apartheid wage gap, and wages relative to the price of wage goods, will feature strongly in any discussion on restructuring the South African labour market. Yet research into wage rates is limited.

NALEDI and the Norwegian institute, FAFO, have launched a joint project focusing on wages and collective bargaining. This project, which is expected to be completed by April, aims to provide information to unions in order to assist them with bargaining.

The project is unique in that it uses actual wages paid to workers, rather than collective agreements. This enhances the significance of the results, as many workers are not covered by bargaining agreements.

The project is also looking at wage determinations and wage gaps in South Africa, an international comparison of wage levels and wage gaps, wage elasticity in South Africa and a number of sectoral case studies.

Co-determination
Do co-determinist structures advance the influence of the working-class or does it result in them becoming co-opted into a capitalist framework? This question formed part of NALEDI's long-term project, 'Experiences of engagement'. Papers from the project will be available soon.

One of the research papers is entitled 'Co-determination and transformation: co-optation or alternative vision'. The paper, authored by David Jarvis and Ari Sitas, proposes a system of governance of economic institutions that goes beyond the dualistic European co-determination models, where only labour and capital are represented. It argues that there have to be arrangements to govern socio-economic performance. However, the nature and meaning of economic performance has to be contested and broadened. 'Social co-determination' can and must involve a broad array of interest groups, delivery structures, urban and rural voices and NGOs. There are also possibilities for local co-determination.

Hours of work
Working hours were the centre of heated debate during negotiations on the Basic Conditions of Employment Act. At the heart of the debate was labour's demand for a 40-hour working week. A recent NALEDI paper, 'Hours of work in the metal industry', looks at the implementation of shorter working hours in the metal and engineering sectors. The paper covers:

  • existing statutory and other working time regulations
  • data on actual hours of work
  • possibilities for further employment
  • shift changes
  • the growth of casual and contract labour
  • employer responses to a shorter working week.

It concludes that, while the majority of motor component companies would not reduce employment if faced with a 40 hour week and no loss of pay, a higher proportion of companies would increase or maintain employment if there was a proportional reduction in pay.

This paper forms part of the long-term NALEDI project on Hours of Work. The other sectors covered by this project are gold mining, retail and long distance transport.

 


 

NALEDI undertakes labour and economic research. Its main focus is policy research which will build the capacity of the labour movement to engage effectively with the challenges of our new society.NALEDI is an initiative of COSATU, but is controlled by an independent board.

NALEDI's main focus areas are labour markets, economic, trade and industrial policy, union organisation and women and work. Our activities include the production of research reports and policy memos, facilitating workshops and training and library facilities and resources.

Contact NALEDI at:
6th floor COSATU House, 1 Leyds Street,
Braamfontein, Johannesburg. PO Box 5665
Johannesburg 2000
Tel: (011) 403-2122
Fax: (011) 403-1948

email: naledi@naledi.org.za
website:http://www.naledi.org.za