CONTENTS
A
transformative budget?
by Fiona Tregenna
The government's latest budget has been given the 'thumbs up' by
most commentators. The general view is that it is 'responsible'
and gave no major surprises. But while the budget certainly has
strong points, it falls short of being a 'tool for transformation'.
Social services
On the expenditure side, there are limited changes. The amount of
money allocated for social services has:
-
fallen slightly as a proportion of all expenditure (from 47,7%
in 1998/9 to 47,2% in 1999/2000);
-
fallen as a proportion of GDP (from 15,1% in 1998/99 to 14,6%
in 1999/2000);
-
fallen in real terms from the 1998/99 allocation.
The
budget speech made several references to targeting women and the poor.
During the course of the year, progress in these areas will need to
be tracked. The National Expenditure Survey is a positive innovation,
which can be one of the mechanisms for such an evaluation.
Debt
Interest payments which have increased in both real and nominal
terms are consuming more and more government expenditure and leaving
less resources for meeting basic needs. This is one of the devastating
effects of high interest rates on our economy. In his budget speech,
Finance Minister, Trevor Manuel, spoke of the direct impact high
rates have on poor and working people. The indirect impact less
money for social spending only makes things worse. Hopefully,
interest rates will be reduced in the course of the year.
Revenue
The reduction in company tax from 35% to 30% was unexpected. It
is, however, consistent with historical trends towards reducing
corporate taxation and increasing the burden on individuals. In
the context of the current 'investment strike' by the private sector,
however,it is unlikely that companies will use the money they save
to create jobs. Instead, it might well mean that working people
subsidise higher dividends, offshore investment, and other unproductive
diversions of surplus.
On the positive side, the budget gives tax relief to middle income
earners a step towards greater progressivity of the tax system.
Pressure from some quarters for increases in VAT a highly regressive
tax were also avoided. Other taxes which COSATU has been calling
for such as a capital gains tax, wealth tax, land tax, and a special
excise tax on luxury goods appear not to have been considered.
Public
sector
The Budget Speech dwelt on the issue of the public service wage
bill and hinted at further 'downsizing'. Such a view draws an arbitrary
distinction between capital and current expenditure, and ignores
the fact that it is public servants who are the arms and legs of
delivery.
Any such intentions would need to be reconciled with the recent
agreements reached in the Public Service Co-ordinating Bargaining
Council. In fact, the audit process agreed to in this body is likely
to reveal serious understaffing in critical areas of service delivery.
The Budget Speech also made reference to the restructuring of the
Government Employees Pension Fund this will be an area to watch
in the course of the year.
Targets
It is noteworthy that some of the most restrictive GEAR targets
have either been adjusted or have not been met. The upward adjustment
of the deficit target (from 3% to 3,5% of revenue:GDP ratio (from
25% to 26,9%), apart from releasing some additional resources, could
be interpreted as an acknowledgement of the unfeasibility of GEAR.
Nevertheless, fiscal discipline and the restrictive monetary environment
still limit the extent to which the budget can be used to meet basic
needs. It cannot be described as a budget which will alter the current
distribution of wealth. Although no specific announcements were
made about exchange controls, it was indicated that there will be
further liberalisation in the course of the year. This is the last
thing we need in the context of capital outflows and destabilising
speculative capital movements.
Process
On the process side, although there have been advances including
improved multi-year planning through the Medium term Expenditure
Framework and improved structures of accountability to parliament
through the soon to be legislated Public Financial Control Bill
serious problems remain.
The futility of current processes led to COSATU's continuing non-participation
in the Parliamentary Budget Hearings. Hopefully, one of the legislative
priorities of the new government will be a democratisation of the
entire budget process in line with the spirit and letter of the
Constitution.
Fiona Tregenna is an economist at NALEDI. This article draws on
the COSATU response to the 1999/2000 budget.
Change
in selected source of revenue 1990/91 - 2001/2
The right plan?
The national budget provides an important indicator of how
the government plans to manage the economy. With 30% of the world's
economies in recession, and the rest likely to follow in the next
year or two, finding the right economic plan will be crucial. To
protect South Africa from the effects of this slowdown, the domestic
economy needs to be bolstered. There are encouraging signs that
government is moving along this path.
This issue of the Policy Bulletin focuses on the budget. We also
examine the growing phenomenon of South African firms relocating
to neighbouring countries, using the clothing industry as a case
study. Low wages and lack of labour standards appear to be one attraction.
The withdrawal of these firms from already low wage locations highlights
the danger workers face in the global 'race to the bottom'. Further
evidence of this is presented in the article on undocumented migrants
in South Africa's construction industry.
Hopefully, 1999 will see the recommendations of the Job Summit being
implemented. The labour movement has launched its Job Creation Fund.
Other social sectors have also made funding commitments. At the
end of the day, though, it is the budget, and the vision it brings,
that will determine whether or not South Africa finds its way out
of the unemployment trap.
Ravi Naidoo
Director, NALEDI

Analysis
of budget expenditure
Consolidated provincial and national spending percent change from
previous year, real terms
| Function |
1996/7 |
1997/8 |
1998/9 |
1999/2000
| inflation
at 5.5% |
inflation
at 7.6% |
|
2000/1 |
2001/2
|
| General government
|
16,9 |
-9,8 |
-26,1 |
5,1 |
3,0 |
-0,2 |
4,6 |
| Protection Services
|
3,9 |
-2,3 |
8,2 |
-1,9 |
-4,0 |
0,4 |
0,6 |
| Defense |
-6,4 |
-16, |
9 1,2 |
-2,3 |
-4,4 |
-4,0 |
-0,0 |
| Police |
14,5 |
7,3 |
2,6 |
0,4 |
-1,7 |
-0,0 |
0,0 |
| Prisons |
6,7 |
18,2 |
35,1 |
-8,8 |
-10,9 |
10,7 |
2,5 |
| Justice |
-1,9 |
10,0 |
24,1 |
1,4 |
-0,7 |
1,6 |
1,8 |
| Social services
|
2,0 |
1,2 |
3,9 |
-0,5 |
-2,6 |
1,7 |
1,0 |
| Education |
5,2 |
-4,8 |
7,4 |
-0,8 |
-2,9 |
1,7 |
1,0 |
| Health |
6,8 |
1,6 |
7,4 |
-2,0 |
-4,1 |
5,1 |
3,5 |
| Social security
& welfare |
-0,2 |
4,6 |
-2,9 |
-2,6 |
-4,7 |
0,0 |
0,3 |
| Housing & community
development |
-54,8 |
154,9 |
95,6 |
10,0 |
7,9 |
-3,8 |
-4,0 |
| Other |
3,7 |
-11,1 |
-81,2 |
-4,2 |
-6,3 |
7,1 |
-0,4 |
| Economic services |
3,3 |
-10,7 |
-5,3 |
-7,9 |
-10,0 |
3,0 |
2,0 |
| Water |
49,0 |
-21,2 |
25,1 |
-10,2 |
-12,3 |
15,7 |
1,4 |
| Fuel & energy |
-8,1 |
-7,6 |
-81,6 |
-38,6 |
-40,7 |
42,3 |
17,7 |
| Agriculture, forestry,
fishing |
17,6 |
-5,3 |
-30,7 |
-2,5 |
-4,6 |
-10,9 |
5,7 |
| Mining, manufacturing,
construction |
|
|
|
-8,6 |
-10,7 |
5,4 |
-3,3 |
| Transport & communication |
|
-12,8 |
5,7 |
-6,9 |
-9,0 |
4,3 |
-1,3 |
| Other |
|
|
|
-13,0 |
-15,1 |
3,9 |
9,7 |
| Interest |
9,2 |
4,0 |
5,9 |
5,2 |
3,1 |
-1,2 |
1,4 |
Source:
Department of Finance, Budget Review 1998 and1999
The above table indicates year-by-year real changes in different
categories of expenditure, over the period 1996/7 to 2001/2. For
example, at 5,5% inflation social services would be cut by 0,5%
in real terms over last year's allocation, while if the last year's
average inflation rate of 7,6% were to continue, these services
would be cut by 2,6% in real terms. Even at the Department of Finance's
projection of 5,5% inflation over the forthcoming fiscal year, the
only functions to receive real increases in expenditure are general
government services and unallocatable expenditure, police, justice,
and housing. (This could change if rollovers were taken account
of.)
Notes
-
These figures are based on budgeted and projected,as opposed to
actual expenditure.
-
In terms of real changes for 1999/2000, the figure of 5,5% inflation
is based on the Department of Finance's projection for 1999/2000
while the figure of 7,6% is the average inflation figure for 1998.
-
Rollovers are not deducted from these figures.
-
Slight differences may be due to roundup up of figures.
Organise all workers
by Rob Rees
All over the world, employers in the construction sector use
migrant labour. Unlike manufacturing industry, which can move to
areas where labour is cheap, the construction bosses have to get
cheap labour to come to the site.
The South African construction industry has faced long term decline
for several decades. Employers have responded to falling profits
by using labour-only subcontractors. Accurate figures are hard to
obtain, but it is possible that up to half of all the workers in
our construction sector are foreign. Many come from Mozambique.
Many are undocumented they either entered the country illegally
or are working without proper documentation.
Exploitation
The benefits to the bosses are obvious. Migrants are paid lower
wages and receive few, if any, of the benefits that construction
workers are entitled to. They work 'endless' hours and offer very
little resistance to demands from their employers.
It is important to note that rural South African workers are exploited
in the same way in the construction sector.
Organise
all workers
The construction unions can, and must, make far more effort to organise
these workers. This will involve some serious political decisions.
South Africa's foreign migration policies expose undocumented migrant
workers to the threat of dismissal and deportation. However, there
is a wider question that confronts all construction workers.
Employers are using migrant workers to drive wages and conditions
of employment down across the sector. South African workers tend
to blame the undocumented migrants for 'stealing' their jobs. Worker
ends up fighting worker. The employers are the only ones who benefit.
Unions need to redirect worker anger towards the employers who are
breaking the law with such ease. Instead of pushing for increased
fines for employers who employ undocumented migrants, they should
fight for more effective enforcement of labour legislation and fines
for employers who break these laws.
Extending rights
How does a union recruit and fight on behalf of workers who have
no legal rights? The unions should demand that the law protect migrants
from dismissal and that all workers have the right to strike. POPCRU,
whose members deport migrants, should be called upon to show solidarity.
The unions need to move the debate on labour migrancy away from
stricter policing and border controls to the struggle for better
jobs, wages and conditions not only in South Africa, but in Southern
Africa. The Maputo corridor development provides an excellent opportunity
to consolidate cross-border organisation of construction workers.What
is needed is the organisational will to do so.
Rob Rees is a researcher at NALEDI in the area of union organisation.
This article is based on a NALEDI Research Report on the impact
of Mozambican migrants in the construction sector.
The Women's Budget
by Debbie Budlender
The government budget tells us how the government plans to
spend its money over the next twelve months. It also says where
government expects to find this money for example, how much it
will tax companies and individuals, what customs and excise duties
it will impose on different goods, and whether there will be any
changes in Value Added Tax.
South Africans are not all the same. The government should spend
its money on services for those who need them most. The budget should
tell us which groups of South Africans will benefit from government
spending and which groups will pay for it. Yet, until recently,
most discussions on the budget spoke as if the 'average' South African
was a white man.
The
WBI
The South African Women's Budget Initiative (WBI) was born about
three years ago. The WBI does not propose a separate budget for
women. Instead it looks at how the main budget has a different impact
on women, particularly those who are the poorest.
In education, for example, it looked at the large allocation going
to tertiary study, while only 1% of the education budget went for
adult basic education and training. Yet 23% of African women aged
25 or more and 16% of African men have never been to school. In
labour, it looked at the very small government allocation for UIF,
despite the high unemployment rate (much higher for women than men)
and the fact that UIF provides for maternity benefits.
The WBI has examined the budgets of all government departments.
Often people think that gender issues are only important in the
social services such as education, health and welfare. However,
there are 27 departments, and researchers found gender imbalances
in all of them.
One of the successes of the initiative is that the Department of
Finance has now recognised the importance of this type of analysis.
Last year's Budget Review, and this year's National Expenditure
Survey both tabled on Budget Day contained some discussion of
gender issues.
Limitations
In general, however, budget information still provides very little
explicit information as to the gender, race, locational or other
impacts of the projects and programmes which it funds. The Budget
Speech and other documents may talk in broad terms about the poor,
or about the need to target vulnerable individuals typically women,
children and the disabled. But these broad statements are not followed
through consistently in discussion of all programmes and policies.
It tends, instead, to be confined to a few specific projects such
as Welfare's Flagship Programme for Unemployed Women with Young
Children, or the Department of Water Affairs and Forestry's Community
Water Supply and Sanitation Programme. These programmes are important
but they will have very limited impact on gender inequity if gender
biases of mainstream programmes are not addressed.
Accountability
With the move towards performance budgeting and indicators, government
has acknowledged the need to be accountable as to how it is spending
its money. Performance budgeting requires that government agencies
say not only how much they intend to spend, but also what they intend
to achieve with that expenditure how many clinics they will build,
how many pupils they will teach, how many jobs they will create,
and so on.
Again, however, the new system will be of limited use in determining
whether government is reaching development and equity objectives
unless specific information is provided. We need to know where those
clinics are being built and what type of services they are offering.
We need to know whether the pupils are boys or girls, and what subjects
they are studying. We need to know what sort of jobs are created,
where, and for whom. These are the kind of changes the WBI is fighting
for.
The WBI's research has been published in three books. These can
be ordered by email from: faldelah@idasact.org.za
Tel: 021-461 2559
Fax 021-462 0162
Debbie Budlender works for the Community Agency for Social Enquiry
and is the coordinator and editor of the Women's Budget Initiative.
Looking north
by Claire Horton
An increasing number of South African companies are looking north
to expand and, in some cases, relocate their production capacities.
For the fiscal period 1997/98 investments by South African companies
in SADC totaled $82,9-million. Most of these investments have been
concentrated in financial intermediation, the retail, mining and
energy sectors and, to a lesser extent, manufacturing.
South African trade unions have argued that, in the context of differing
labour standards and associated lower wage costs and lower levels
of social protection, coupled with highly mobile capital, some industries
will relocate to neighbouring countries. Indeed a growing number
of manufacturing industries, particularly commodity type goods,
are relocating to the SADC region.
In South Africa, the clothing sector is an important employer of
women. Women make up approximately 76% of clothing workers. The
average figure for other manufacturing sectors is only 31%. Approximately
125 000, mostly black, women work in the clothing sector.
Reasons for relocation
South African clothing firms have relocated to other parts of SADC
partly in response to tariff liberalisation, but more importantly
to take advantage of preferential trade agreements between South
Africa and Malawi and Mozambique respectively. These agreements
enable South African firms to make use of Export Processing Zones
in these countries. This results in a huge saving, as duties are
not paid on inputs, such as fabric, for goods destined for export,
mostly to South Africa.
South African firms have also relocated in response to lower wage
costs. It is estimated that a qualified machinist in Malawi earns
between R119 and R190 per month, while in Mozambique the wage is
R176 per month. In South Africa, the same worker would average about
R1 474 per month (although many South African workers are currently
on short-time and are earning less than this).
Although productivity is lower in these countries, poverty wages
and other factors still make it profitable to manufacture there.
The research showed that South African firms making use of foreign
processing have relatively large operations.
Strategies
One of the Southern African Clothing and Textile Workers Union (SACTWU)'s
most important strategies to deal with the problem of relocation
has been to forge closer ties with other unions in the region. Building
solidarity may be the key to uplifting labour standards in the region.
This requires, however, that strong unions are built in each of
the SADC countries.
Claire Horton is a researcher at NALEDI. This article was based
on a NALEDI research report which looks at the reasons for relocation
of clothing and textile companies.
Labour in Lesotho
by Rob Rees
The Lesotho and South African labour markets are closely interwoven.
Like many of our neighbouring countries, Lesotho has been a source
of cheap migratory labour, especially to the mining sector. Despite
the differing size of their respective economies, the labour markets
do impact on one another. It is for this reason that South African
trade unions need to pay attention to unions in Lesotho.
There are three labour federations in Lesotho. Their combined membership
in 1997 (the latest figures available) was just over 12 000. Eighty
percent of all union members belong to the Congress of Lesotho Trade
Unions (COLETU), which was launched at the beginning of 1998. These
figures occur in a context where only 99 000 employees found formal
wage employment in Lesotho during 1995. Furthermore, 86% of Lesotho's
population are engaged in subsistence agriculture and approximately
35% of all its male wage earners work in South Africa.
A
new movement
All three labour federations have their immediate origins in the
break-up of the Lesotho Labour Congress (LLC), the umbrella body
for most of Lesotho's trade unions from 1992-94. Several factors
influenced this break-up. These include the dynamising impact on
the Lesotho labour movement of the repatriation of thousands of
dismissed Lesotho mineworkers, following the 1987 mineworkers strike,
and the strategy to build industry unions, as against established
AFL-CIO and ICFTU traditions, which encouraged regional general
unions.
According to COLETU's General Secretary, there were two major reasons
why they decided to form another federation:
-
to establish worker control at all levels, in contrast to both
the Lesotho Trade Union Congress (LTUC) and the Lesotho Federation
of Democratic Trade Unions (LFDU), where union officials dominate
the executive structures.
-
because both these federations failed to intervene in major worker
struggles, such as police gunning down construction workers on
the Highland Water Project and the 1995 nurse's strike.
A rough analysis of sector employment in Lesotho for 1995 suggests
that, with the exception of the LFDU's retail affiliate (NURAW),
COLETU affiliates have the largest presence in most sectors of the
economy. This is true for teachers (schools are largely run by the
churches), for clothing/textiles, which represents about 70% of
all manufacturing jobs and for the construction sector, which has
grown in relation to the Highland Water Project.
Most of COLETU's membership lies in these three sectors, with two
thirds of its overall membership in the clothing and textile union
(LECAWU). The Lesotho government has promoted this industry on the
basis of out-competing bantustan type labour areas like Qwa Qwa.
The costs to workers have been considerable.
Solidarity
COLETU affiliates have engaged in largescale struggles against police
brutality and attempts to make labour legislation more restrictive.
The federation remains politically unaffiliated, even though some
of its more prominent leaders from the teachers' union have connections
with the Popular Front for Democracy (PFD) which has some communist
influence.
The emergence of a militant and worker controlled labour federation
in Lesotho echoes trends in other parts of Southern Africa, notably
the mass labour struggles in Zimbabwe and Swaziland, and, on a smaller
scale, worker struggles in Mozambique and Namibia. Such developments
reinforce the COSATU Congress resolution that calls for the moving
away from symbolic solidarity in international work towards concrete
solidarity that 'advances the struggle for socialism by the working
class.'
This article is based on a NALEDI Policy Memo which looks at trade
union federations in Lesotho (Nov '98).
NALEDI research report
This research round-up lists recent NALEDI research and highlights
forthcoming work.
Wages
and bargaining
Wage policy is central to union activities. Moreover, the debate
on whether wages are 'too high', the closing of the apartheid wage
gap, and wages relative to the price of wage goods, will feature
strongly in any discussion on restructuring the South African labour
market. Yet research into wage rates is limited.
NALEDI and the Norwegian institute, FAFO, have launched a joint
project focusing on wages and collective bargaining. This project,
which is expected to be completed by April, aims to provide information
to unions in order to assist them with bargaining.
The project is unique in that it uses actual wages paid to workers,
rather than collective agreements. This enhances the significance
of the results, as many workers are not covered by bargaining agreements.
The project is also looking at wage determinations and wage gaps
in South Africa, an international comparison of wage levels and
wage gaps, wage elasticity in South Africa and a number of sectoral
case studies.
Co-determination
Do co-determinist structures advance the influence of the working-class
or does it result in them becoming co-opted into a capitalist framework?
This question formed part of NALEDI's long-term project, 'Experiences
of engagement'. Papers from the project will be available soon.
One of the research papers is entitled 'Co-determination and transformation:
co-optation or alternative vision'. The paper, authored by David
Jarvis and Ari Sitas, proposes a system of governance of economic
institutions that goes beyond the dualistic European co-determination
models, where only labour and capital are represented. It argues
that there have to be arrangements to govern socio-economic performance.
However, the nature and meaning of economic performance has to be
contested and broadened. 'Social co-determination' can and must
involve a broad array of interest groups, delivery structures, urban
and rural voices and NGOs. There are also possibilities for local
co-determination.
Hours
of work
Working hours were the centre of heated debate during negotiations
on the Basic Conditions of Employment Act. At the heart of the debate
was labour's demand for a 40-hour working week. A recent NALEDI
paper, 'Hours of work in the metal industry', looks at the implementation
of shorter working hours in the metal and engineering sectors. The
paper covers:
-
existing statutory and other working time regulations
-
data on actual hours of work
-
possibilities for further employment
-
shift changes
-
the growth of casual and contract labour
-
employer responses to a shorter working week.
It concludes that, while the majority of motor component companies
would not reduce employment if faced with a 40 hour week and no
loss of pay, a higher proportion of companies would increase or
maintain employment if there was a proportional reduction in pay.
This paper forms part of the long-term NALEDI project on Hours of
Work. The other sectors covered by this project are gold mining,
retail and long distance transport.
NALEDI
undertakes labour and economic research. Its main focus is policy
research which will build the capacity of the labour movement to
engage effectively with the challenges of our new society.NALEDI
is an initiative of COSATU, but is controlled by an independent
board.
NALEDI's main focus areas are labour markets, economic, trade and
industrial policy, union organisation and women and work. Our activities
include the production of research reports and policy memos, facilitating
workshops and training and library facilities and resources.
Contact NALEDI at:
6th floor COSATU House, 1 Leyds Street,
Braamfontein, Johannesburg. PO Box 5665
Johannesburg 2000
Tel: (011) 403-2122
Fax: (011) 403-1948
email: naledi@naledi.org.za
website:http://www.naledi.org.za
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