Vol 1, No 4 December 1998

CONTENTS

A post-GEAR consensus?
by Fiona Tregenna

The second half of 1998 has seen a rapid intensification of global economic problems.

This ‘crisis' is, in a sense, the culmination of more deep-seated structural problems and trends. It is a logical outcome of the contradictions of global capitalism. These include:

* the combination of over-production in developing countries and the lack of purchasing power (‘under-consumption') in developing countries; and
* the combination of a surplus of ‘hot money' seeking ever-higher short-term rates of return, with a shortage (especially in developing countries) of capital for real national economic development

While our increasing integration (particularly on the financial front) with the rest of the world has not left us untouched, these global problems have had less direct negative effects on South Africa than on many other developing countries.

Current global economic developments force us to interrogate both the failings of neo-liberal thinking and the limitations of the latest economic fashions amongst sections of the mainstream economic establishment. As the recent Alliance Summit agreed, "the present crisis is also a paradigm crisis for the simplistic ‘one-size fits all' strictures of the so-called ‘Washington consensus'."

Worldwide, and amongst a broad spectrum of leading economists, there is an acknowledgement that there is a need for fresh thinking, new leadership and greater flexibility in economic policy-making.

Time for change
If we are to reject orthodoxies and seek workable national solutions, we need to move away from the pro/anti-GEAR debate and begin to build a workable post-GEAR consensus.

If such a consensus is not to be an empty shell, however, it would need to acknowledge the need for fundamental policy changes in certain areas.

There is always a trade-off between the cost of changing policy during the course of its implementation and the cost of sticking with destructive practices. Evidence suggests that, for some time now, the latter costs have far outweighed the former.

Cornerstones
The Alliance Summit laid the basis for greater agreement on approaches to macro-economic policy. It agreed that such policy needs to based on the following cornerstones:
* the need for major structural transformation of the apartheid economy
* alignment of macro-economic policy with reconstruction and development objectives, to address the social deficit
* the need for fiscal discipline, sustainability and relative predictability
* the possible implementation of contra-cyclical measures
* relaxation of macro-economic targets to divert resources towards growth, development and sustainable transformation.

The extent to which these principles lead to substantive policy shifts remains to be seen. Whether or not such shifts are made will largely determine the extent to which the economy moves onto a more developmental path.

Agreements and processes arising out of the Jobs Summit will also be important in opening up economic policies to greater debate and amendment. The Jobs Summit Declaration agreed on the need for macro-economic policy to promote:

* the elimination of poverty, reduction in inequality and a redistribution of resources
* an increase in per capita GDP through higher levels of investment, growth and development
* the maximum potential net job creation within an employment maximising path.

Areas to watch
Looking to 1999, some of the specific areas of economic policy to watch for possible change include:

* a shift in the funding of the Government Employees Pension Fund, such that a greater proportion of it is funded on a ‘Pay As You Go' basis
* some strengthening of exchange controls, or at least greater regulation of capital flows
* a degree of relaxation of
* deficit targets to allow more flexibility of government spending
* greater regulation of some portion of the funds of the retirement and long-term life assurance industries, to encourage investment in productive, job-creating activities8
* a possible lowering of interest rates (through the Reserve Bank facilitating a reduction in the repo rate), in the
context of a closer alignment of monetary policy to industrial and developmental policies
* in general, a greater sensitivity of all aspects of government economic policy to their job creation implications.

While significant distances remain, emerging consensus on the objectives of macro-economic policy has hopefully paved the way for fruitful debates and concrete agreements in the coming year.

What is needed is a genuine post-GEAR consensus, which, taking into account global and national developments, is able to craft macro and other policy which gives effect to transformative goals.

Fiona Tregenna is an economist at NALEDI.

Editorial


 
Finding an alternative

The debate around GEAR is moving on. The recent Jobs Summit concluded that GEAR targets on economic growth, employment and interest rates will not be met. This supports labour's arguments at the time GEAR was adopted.

Where do we go from here? Do we keep the policies, but change the targets? This is the view of GEAR's supporters. Another route, proposed by the unions, is to fundamentally change GEAR.
In this issue of the Policy Bulletin, we look at the economic outlook for 1999. With a net loss of 100 000 jobs in the last year, and more to come, there is little sense in revising targets to reflect negative job creation. The underlying policies need to change.

The opportunity to change economic policy may well be at hand. The global economy is in crisis. ‘Washington Consensus' is at an all time low. World-wide, the search is on for alternatives.

Strong unions are a prerequisite for development-orientated alternatives. This issue of the Policy Bulletin also focuses on union density and the recent upsurge in strike activity. Density is only one measure of strength. It needs to be accompanied by active and effective organisation. Some of the recent strikes (especially where violence has been a factor) reflect a weakening of union strength.

Ravi Naidoo
Director, NALEDI

 

Interest rates folly
by Fiona Tregenna

COSATU HAS been calling for interest rates to be lowered for some time now. Current economic conditions - both domestic and international - reinforce this call.

This chart compares South Africa's real (after inflation is taken into account) interest rates with those of a range of developed and developing countries.

South Africa has the sixth highest interest rates out of 38 developed and developing countries.

Until a few weeks ago, we were even higher on the list! Recent changes in international financial conditions have shifted the rates of several Latin American countries above ours.

Consequences
High interest rates lead to an increase in:
* The cost of productive investment. Small, medium and micro enterprises are the hardest hit. Less productive investment means fewer jobs.
* Speculative investment. If interest rates are high, speculators can make more profit through lending money. Capital flows into the country. It can, however, be taken out at any time. This narrows the economic policy options of the government.
* The cost of debt financed (eg hire purchase, credit cards, housing bonds) purchases. Consumers have less money to spend, demand is reduced and production and employment fall.
* The cost of servicing public debt. This reduces the resources available for social spending.

While GEAR itself and the Reserve Bank recognise some of these problems, both argue that the time is not yet right to reduce interest rates.

They also argue that the Reserve Bank can't just set rates as it pleases. While it is true that the Bank cannot directly set an interest rate, it does have very strong influence over what the rates are. This stems from its control over the amount of Rands available at any one time.

Timing
One of the problems with the arguments over ‘timing' of interest rate reductions, particularly as set out in GEAR, is that extremely high hurdles are set for the economy to pass before we can reduce interest rates.

There are also conceptual problems in the cause-and-effect assumptions underpinning GEAR's approach.

It does not seem to appreciate that lowering interest rates could contribute to some of the very preconditions for the rates to be lowered (for example, long term capital inflows into productive investment and higher growth).

We have recently seen a marginal cut in the repo rate. Certain commercial banks then reduced their lending rates slightly. This is positive, but it will not really have an impact on the quality of people's lives unless it is followed by more substantial reductions.

Ongoing volatility in the international financial markets underlines the folly of high interest rates, as well as the need for greater regulation of financial markets and control of capital flows.

Marching forward?
by Rob Rees

There has been a marked increase in strike activity in 1998. Forty thousand chemical workers and 50 000 motor workers embarked on national strike action for the first time ever. The strikes, which lasted four and five weeks respectively, were in support of wage demands.

The chemical workers won increases of between 8,5% and 10%, while motor workers increased the minimum wage in their sector by over 25%.

Lessons
What lessons can we learn from these strikes? NALEDI hosted a discussion forum in October on this subject.

Worker solidarity has become more and more important during the current period. Employers are trying to make workers pay for the global crisis of overproduction. The unions achieved a great deal, but wider and stronger solidarity may have increased these gains. While the LRA inhibits some solidarity action, programme and organisational will can go a long way towards building other aspects.

Extending action
The CWIU action centred on wage demands negotiated at seven different bargaining arrangements under the newly established, but informal, chemical bargaining council.

The union maintained unity between the different bargains through careful co-ordination, tabling common core demands, moving simultaneously on the demands and taking joint worker mandates.

Workers in each industrial area were brought together. Companies not on strike were targeted thorough marches and occupations. While this helped counter attempts to bring in scabs, the fact that the CWIU and the South African Chemical Workers' Union (SACWU) took separate strike action weakened the strength of chemical workers overall.

Solidarity
Some salaried staff, contract and temporary workers joined the chemical strike. Employers threatened to dismiss them. The CWIU took the matter to the Labour Appeal Court, which ruled that these workers had the right to participate in the strike. This is a major victory. However, unions also need to fight for these workers to be included in the bargaining unit, so that they reap the benefit of strike action.

Sympathy strikes
CWIU members at chemical companies not covered by the bargaining process came out on a one day solidarity strike. NUMSA plants launched one day sympathy strikes on two occasions.

Sympathy strikes are a powerful weapon. They are, however, limited by the new LRA. Protection against dismissal for sympathy strikers is only guaranteed if the union can show that their action would influence the outcome of the primary strike.

Restraints
In both cases, employers used scabs and lockouts - which are legal under the LRA. Garages were particularly vulnerable. The CWIU was hit with more than 50 interdicts, which employers obtained with ‘ease', many with restraining orders which cost an average of R20 000 each. After the strikes, militant shop stewards were dismissed. The LRA does not allow workers to strike in response to such tactics. Other issues which require attention from the unions are:

* building community support
* effective media strategies
* strike funds
* union investments - can unions ensure that the companies they invest in don't use scab labour? Can they intervene on behalf of workers during strike action?

Codordination
Both strikes faced the lack of wider co-ordination. The most obvious example of this was the
Co-ordination of the motor strike (retail petrol) with the chemical strike (fuel refining), and a stronger role for Cosatu. One opinion on this argues that Cosatu's role would be considerably strengthened if it actually negotiated a minimum set of wages and conditions for all workers, supplemented by union negotiated sector bargains.

Strength or weakness?
The person days lost through strike action in 1998 are higher than any year since 1994. What does this mean? Is it the confident forward march of labour, or do the figures reveal a weakness of organisation? Are the strikes so long because unions have not built up sufficient strength to compel employers to give in to their demands? This is an area that needs much more discussion and research d which NALEDI plans to do in 1999.

Rob Rees is a researcher at NALEDI in the area of union organisation.

Union density
by Conrad Jardine

The size of a union's membership is usually used as an indication of strength. Very little attempt has been made to measure union density.

Density measures the number of workers which a union has organised in relation to the total workforce in a particular sector. It allows unions to see where they are successful, and where they have to do more work.

The figures which are provided here give a very general picture. They are preliminary statistics, which are based on the official employment figures for December 1997 and union membership as at December 1997. The latter figures were obtained from the unions. They refer mostly to signed up membership.

Membership
The NUM has by far the largest membership, followed by NUMSA, NEHAWU, SADTU and SACTWU.

Density
The NUM has the highest density, followed by FAWU, NUMSA, SACTWU and SAMWU. SADTU has a density of about 46% and NEHAWU only 24%.

What explains the discrepancy between membership and density? Where there are large workplaces concentrated in two or three provinces, density is high. Where there are small or medium size workplaces scattered across the country, density tends to be low.

For example, there are about 400 000 mineworkers. The large mines employ large workforces. This makes organising relatively easy. A union like CAWU has to organise a large number of small to medium-sized companies scattered all over the country. Union density in this sector is low. NEHAWU organises a diverse workforce, which consists of blue and white-collar workers and professionals. It is faced with a core of about 800 000 civil servants, whereas SADTU's target is a homogeneous workforce of about 350 000.

FAWU has a target of about 200 000 workers, who are concentrated in large, regional companies. SACCAWU has the potential to be one of the largest unions (with a workforce of around 780 000). However, its sectors employ a high proportion of casual and part-time workers.

Potential
Unions with a density of below 50% have enormous growth potential. They will, however, have to exploit each and every opportunity that exists - from mergers to improving organising to including casual and white-collar workers. This will not be an easy task. Retrenchments, union rivalry and trade liberalisation all make for a tough road ahead.

Conrad Jardine is a researcher in the area of union organisation at NALEDI.

Maternity benefits
by Liesl Orr

THROUGH ITS constitution, the South African government has committed itself to the elimination of discrimination based on gender and pregnancy.

This commitment needs to be matched by policies and provisions that make it a reality.

Providing maternity benefits is an important way of both recognising childbirth and parenting as a societal responsibility and ensuring that women are not discriminated against because they bear
children. Important objectives include:

* giving women and men equal access to paid work
* enabling women and men to combine workplace and family responsibilities
* achieving equal representation of women and men at all levels of organisations
* making women and men's family and work roles equally visible, legitimate and valued.

In South Africa, we are far from reaching these objectives. Huge inequalities exist between men and women and women of different race groups.

Lower wage earners are more affected by the rate and duration of maternity leave and pay and will gain significantly from good benefits.

Policy
Policy recommendations should take into account the need to reduce the vast economic and income gaps that exist. Maternity benefits and childcare assist in facilitating and increasing the participation of women in the labour market. They have a positive impact on gender equality. We need to challenge the common approach to maternity benefits, which tends to focus on costs and draws on economic arguments rather than focussing on the actual needs of mothers and infants.

Cash benefits give substance to the right to maternity leave. They are an important part of a package of parental rights, including services such as childcare.


The Basic Conditions of Employment Act provides for four months maternity leave. The issue of payment is currently under negotiation.

Presently, the UIF pays 45% of wages. This is below international standards, and is far from adequate, especially for low wage earners.

Recommendations
The UIF needs to be improved in the following areas:

* maternity benefits at full pay
* as short a qualifying period as possible
* claiming maternity benefits should not disqualify workers from claiming unemployment benefits
* the one-third rule - which pegs the maximum benefit payable (the combination of employer benefits and UIF) at 78% d should be abolished
* higher-income earners should not be excluded from the Fund, but there should be a ceiling on the benefits payable
* extension of maternity benefits to domestic, casual and seasonal workers
* increased state contribution to the fund.

Unions must also campaign to improve parental rights through collective bargaining.

Liesl Orr is the co-ordinator of the Women and Work project at NALEDI.

Solidarity for engagement
by Ravi Naidoo

The Brazilian and South African labour movements are developing a close relationship. This encouraging trend took a further step forward in September, when NALEDI participated in an international seminar held in Florianopolis, Brazil.

The seminar was hosted by Brazilian labour researchers. It focussed on ways in which the international labour movement can influence globalisation. In particular, what are the options facing the labour movements of the southern hemisphere?

Globalisation is not new. It is an ongoing and longstanding feature of capitalist development. It is the result of a conscious effort by the transnational corporations (TNCs), multilateral institutions and governments of advanced countries to move beyond national markets.

The fact that globalisation is a ‘driven' process means that it can be influenced.

Regional blocs
The seminar focussed on the drivers and implications behind the movement towards regional integration, occurring in South America (Mercosur), Southern Africa (SADC), North America (NAFTA) and Europe (EU).
Brazil and South Africa play the leading role in their regions. They are surrounded by much smaller economic nations. The leading progressive union federations in these countries - the CUT (Brazil) and COSATU - face similar dilemmas and options.

Options
The seminar developed a number of options for unions to counter neo-liberal globalisation:

Building structures
Economic regionalism can be driven by conservative quarters. It could, however, be a stepping stone for labour for the introduction of progressive (pro-working class) interests. It could be a path towards building strong national and regional structures to oppose the neo-liberal agenda and introduce a counter agenda which is suited to local conditions and needs.

Solidarity
Unions are not helpless in the face of the power of the TNCs. The recent joint international campaign against RTZ is a case in point. Unions in South Africa and Australia were able to apply strong pressure on this TNC. International solidarity is able to influence economic processes.

Links
TNCs generally still operate out of their home bases in the advanced countries. Unions in these countries are well-placed to apply pressure. They can work jointly with unions in the countries where the TNCs operate. The decision by CUT and COSATU to affiliate to the ICFTU is an opportunity to build stronger links with unions in industrialised countries, and be able to assert such pressure.

Regulation
National regulations are likely to be undermined by the TNCs, but international regulation is likely to increase. Malaysia's decision to reimpose currency controls has been supported by many other countries in the region. There is talk of introducing more powerful international regulations over capital flows. The labour movement needs to be at the forefront of this process.

A new agenda
In the medium-term, it is likely that regional economic blocs will be crucial. They are generally dominated by the interest of the major economic power in the region. They could, however, also give a ‘voice' to developing countries and to needs not currently considered. This will be an important issue for unions in these countries to focus on. In the regional economic blocs, countries will try to build a common economic agenda. Worker rights and other union issues must also find their place on these agendas.

If the unions are to take forward this agenda, there are two requirements:
* unions need the capacity to engage with international economic and trade issues. The labour movement needs to build its research and technical policy capacity so that it can strategically engage theses processes.
* strong national organisation is needed, both to build a strong union home base and to challenge any neo-liberal policies put forward by national governments.
Those union movements with the strongest national base will have the most to offer in engaging globalisation issues.

NALEDI research report
This research round-up lists recent NALEDI research and highlights forthcoming work

Reflecting on research
NALEDI researchers face a challenging task. We are expected to deliver sound, quality research that is consistent with labour's political objectives within strict time and budgetary constraints.

NALEDI decided to organise a formal methods research course for its researchers. The course, which ran over six months, was also attended by union-based researchers.

A discussion paper, entitled Getting it done, and getting it right, was developed during the course.

Some of the themes addressed in the paper are:
* research and politics
* what is research?
* research at NALEDI
* positionality in research
* researching for labour
* research and funders
* research under deadline
* balancing time and quality
* what norms? Whose standards?
* building a progressive research community.

The paper and the research methods framework is work in progress that will develop through practice and discussion in the labour movement.

Regional trade
In August 1996 the SADC countries signed an historic agreement which aims to turn southern Africa into a free trade area by the year 2004. This involves the gradual elimination of tariff and non-tariff barriers to trade.

It is important that trade amongst SADC countries leads to industrial development and the diversification of production.

Each SADC country has different labour standards, wage costs and levels of social security. Capital, which is highly mobile, will move to countries with the lowest labour costs. A growing number of South Africa manufacturers are relocating to other countries in the region.

In conjunction with the Human Sciences Research Council (HSRC), NALEDI has been conducting research into capital flows from South Africa into neighbouring countries. The research focuses on the clothing and textile industries.

The study finds that relocation to neighbouring countries has been triggered by tariff liberalisation. Capital is also taking advantage of the preferential trade agreements between South Africa and Malawi, and South Africa and Mozambique.

There are significant differences in wages and benefits across the region, and union strength and membership. There is a need for effective, independent unions, which have extensive rights to organise workers.

Trustee training
In December 1998 the law on pension funds will change. From this date, member representatives must make up 50% of Boards of Trustees. This is a significant step towards democratising an industry which is worth R600-billion.

Trustee Boards are responsible for the day-to-day management of the pension fund, the benefits payable and how the fund invests its assets. In the past, pension funds have been viewed as the property of the employer.

The changes to the law pose great challenges to the union movement. NALEDI's report on Pension funds: Trustee training provides information on the nature and extent of provident and pension funds in which union members are involved and trends in current trustee training.

Migrant labour
Employers in the construction industry have responded to falling profits by using labour-only subcontractors. It is estimated that up to half of all the workers in this sector are foreign. Many are undocumented workers from Mozambique.

The NALEDI report on the impact of Mozambican migrants on the construction sector finds that employers are using migrants to drive wages and benefits down. It concludes that the construction unions must organise all workers in this sector.


 

 

NALEDI undertakes labour and economic research. Its main focus is policy research which will build the capacity of the labour movement to engage effectively with the challenges of our new society.NALEDI is an initiative of COSATU, but is controlled by an independent board.

NALEDI's main focus areas are labour markets, economic, trade and industrial policy, union organisation and women and work. Our activities include the production of research reports and policy memos, facilitating workshops and training and library facilities and resources.

Contact NALEDI at:
6th floor COSATU House, 1 Leyds Street,
Braamfontein, Johannesburg. PO Box 5665
Johannesburg 2000
Tel: (011) 403-2122
Fax: (011) 403-1948

email: naledi@naledi.org.za
website:http://www.naledi.org.za