CONTENTS
A
post-GEAR consensus?
by Fiona Tregenna
The
second half of 1998 has seen a rapid intensification of global economic
problems.
This
crisis' is, in a sense, the culmination of more deep-seated
structural problems and trends. It is a logical outcome of the contradictions
of global capitalism. These include:
*
the combination of over-production in developing countries and the
lack of purchasing power (under-consumption') in developing
countries; and
* the combination of a surplus of hot money' seeking ever-higher
short-term rates of return, with a shortage (especially in developing
countries) of capital for real national economic development
While
our increasing integration (particularly on the financial front)
with the rest of the world has not left us untouched, these global
problems have had less direct negative effects on South Africa than
on many other developing countries.
Current
global economic developments force us to interrogate both the failings
of neo-liberal thinking and the limitations of the latest economic
fashions amongst sections of the mainstream economic establishment.
As the recent Alliance Summit agreed, "the present crisis is
also a paradigm crisis for the simplistic one-size fits all'
strictures of the so-called Washington consensus'."
Worldwide,
and amongst a broad spectrum of leading economists, there is an
acknowledgement that there is a need for fresh thinking, new leadership
and greater flexibility in economic policy-making.
Time
for change
If we are to reject orthodoxies and seek workable national solutions,
we need to move away from the pro/anti-GEAR debate and begin to
build a workable post-GEAR consensus.
If
such a consensus is not to be an empty shell, however, it would
need to acknowledge the need for fundamental policy changes in certain
areas.
There
is always a trade-off between the cost of changing policy during
the course of its implementation and the cost of sticking with destructive
practices. Evidence suggests that, for some time now, the latter
costs have far outweighed the former.
Cornerstones
The Alliance Summit laid the basis for greater agreement on approaches
to macro-economic policy. It agreed that such policy needs to based
on the following cornerstones:
* the need for major structural transformation of the apartheid
economy
* alignment of macro-economic policy with reconstruction and development
objectives, to address the social deficit
* the need for fiscal discipline, sustainability and relative predictability
* the possible implementation of contra-cyclical measures
* relaxation of macro-economic targets to divert resources towards
growth, development and sustainable transformation.
The
extent to which these principles lead to substantive policy shifts
remains to be seen. Whether or not such shifts are made will largely
determine the extent to which the economy moves onto a more developmental
path.
Agreements
and processes arising out of the Jobs Summit will also be important
in opening up economic policies to greater debate and amendment.
The Jobs Summit Declaration agreed on the need for macro-economic
policy to promote:
*
the elimination of poverty, reduction in inequality and a redistribution
of resources
* an increase in per capita GDP through higher levels of investment,
growth and development
* the maximum potential net job creation within an employment maximising
path.
Areas
to watch
Looking to 1999, some of the specific areas of economic policy to
watch for possible change include:
*
a shift in the funding of the Government Employees Pension Fund,
such that a greater proportion of it is funded on a Pay As
You Go' basis
* some strengthening of exchange controls, or at least greater regulation
of capital flows
* a degree of relaxation of
* deficit targets to allow more flexibility of government spending
* greater regulation of some portion of the funds of the retirement
and long-term life assurance industries, to encourage investment
in productive, job-creating activities8
* a possible lowering of interest rates (through the Reserve Bank
facilitating a reduction in the repo rate), in the
context of a closer alignment of monetary policy to industrial and
developmental policies
* in general, a greater sensitivity of all aspects of government
economic policy to their job creation implications.
While
significant distances remain, emerging consensus on the objectives
of macro-economic policy has hopefully paved the way for fruitful
debates and concrete agreements in the coming year.
What is needed is a genuine post-GEAR consensus, which, taking into
account global and national developments, is able to craft macro
and other policy which gives effect to transformative goals.
Fiona
Tregenna is an economist at NALEDI.

Editorial
Finding
an alternative
The debate around GEAR is moving on. The recent Jobs Summit
concluded that GEAR targets on economic growth, employment
and interest rates will not be met. This supports labour's
arguments at the time GEAR was adopted.
Where
do we go from here? Do we keep the policies, but change
the targets? This is the view of GEAR's supporters. Another
route, proposed by the unions, is to fundamentally change
GEAR.
In this issue of the Policy Bulletin, we look at the economic
outlook for 1999. With a net loss of 100 000 jobs in the
last year, and more to come, there is little sense in
revising targets to reflect negative job creation. The
underlying policies need to change.
The
opportunity to change economic policy may well be at hand.
The global economy is in crisis. Washington Consensus'
is at an all time low. World-wide, the search is on for
alternatives.
Strong
unions are a prerequisite for development-orientated alternatives.
This issue of the Policy Bulletin also focuses on union
density and the recent upsurge in strike activity. Density
is only one measure of strength. It needs to be accompanied
by active and effective organisation. Some of the recent
strikes (especially where violence has been a factor)
reflect a weakening of union strength.
Ravi
Naidoo
Director, NALEDI
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Interest rates folly
by Fiona Tregenna
COSATU
HAS been calling for interest rates to be lowered for some time
now. Current economic conditions - both domestic and international
- reinforce this call.
This
chart compares South Africa's real (after inflation is taken into
account) interest rates with those of a range of developed and developing
countries.
South
Africa has the sixth highest interest rates out of 38 developed
and developing countries.
Until
a few weeks ago, we were even higher on the list! Recent changes
in international financial conditions have shifted the rates of
several Latin American countries above ours.
Consequences
High interest rates lead to an increase in:
* The cost of productive investment. Small, medium and micro enterprises
are the hardest hit. Less productive investment means fewer jobs.
* Speculative investment. If interest rates are high, speculators
can make more profit through lending money. Capital flows into the
country. It can, however, be taken out at any time. This narrows
the economic policy options of the government.
* The cost of debt financed (eg hire purchase, credit cards, housing
bonds) purchases. Consumers have less money to spend, demand is
reduced and production and employment fall.
* The cost of servicing public debt. This reduces the resources
available for social spending.
While
GEAR itself and the Reserve Bank recognise some of these problems,
both argue that the time is not yet right to reduce interest rates.
They
also argue that the Reserve Bank can't just set rates as it pleases.
While it is true that the Bank cannot directly set an interest rate,
it does have very strong influence over what the rates are. This
stems from its control over the amount of Rands available at any
one time.
Timing
One of the problems with the arguments over timing' of interest
rate reductions, particularly as set out in GEAR, is that extremely
high hurdles are set for the economy to pass before we can reduce
interest rates.
There
are also conceptual problems in the cause-and-effect assumptions
underpinning GEAR's approach.
It
does not seem to appreciate that lowering interest rates could contribute
to some of the very preconditions for the rates to be lowered (for
example, long term capital inflows into productive investment and
higher growth).
We
have recently seen a marginal cut in the repo rate. Certain commercial
banks then reduced their lending rates slightly. This is positive,
but it will not really have an impact on the quality of people's
lives unless it is followed by more substantial reductions.
Ongoing
volatility in the international financial markets underlines the
folly of high interest rates, as well as the need for greater regulation
of financial markets and control of capital flows.

Marching forward?
by Rob Rees
There
has been a marked increase in strike activity in 1998. Forty thousand
chemical workers and 50 000 motor workers embarked on national strike
action for the first time ever. The strikes, which lasted four and
five weeks respectively, were in support of wage demands.
The
chemical workers won increases of between 8,5% and 10%, while motor
workers increased the minimum wage in their sector by over 25%.
Lessons
What lessons can we learn from these strikes? NALEDI hosted a discussion
forum in October on this subject.
Worker
solidarity has become more and more important during the current
period. Employers are trying to make workers pay for the global
crisis of overproduction. The unions achieved a great deal, but
wider and stronger solidarity may have increased these gains. While
the LRA inhibits some solidarity action, programme and organisational
will can go a long way towards building other aspects.
Extending
action
The CWIU action centred on wage demands negotiated at seven different
bargaining arrangements under the newly established, but informal,
chemical bargaining council.
The
union maintained unity between the different bargains through careful
co-ordination, tabling common core demands, moving simultaneously
on the demands and taking joint worker mandates.
Workers
in each industrial area were brought together. Companies not on
strike were targeted thorough marches and occupations. While this
helped counter attempts to bring in scabs, the fact that the CWIU
and the South African Chemical Workers' Union (SACWU) took separate
strike action weakened the strength of chemical workers overall.
Solidarity
Some salaried staff, contract and temporary workers joined the chemical
strike. Employers threatened to dismiss them. The CWIU took the
matter to the Labour Appeal Court, which ruled that these workers
had the right to participate in the strike. This is a major victory.
However, unions also need to fight for these workers to be included
in the bargaining unit, so that they reap the benefit of strike
action.
Sympathy
strikes
CWIU members at chemical companies not covered by the bargaining
process came out on a one day solidarity strike. NUMSA plants launched
one day sympathy strikes on two occasions.
Sympathy
strikes are a powerful weapon. They are, however, limited by the
new LRA. Protection against dismissal for sympathy strikers is only
guaranteed if the union can show that their action would influence
the outcome of the primary strike.
Restraints
In both cases, employers used scabs and lockouts - which are legal
under the LRA. Garages were particularly vulnerable. The CWIU was
hit with more than 50 interdicts, which employers obtained with
ease', many with restraining orders which cost an average
of R20 000 each. After the strikes, militant shop stewards were
dismissed. The LRA does not allow workers to strike in response
to such tactics. Other issues which require attention from the unions
are:
* building community support
* effective media strategies
* strike funds
* union investments - can unions ensure that the companies they
invest in don't use scab labour? Can they intervene on behalf of
workers during strike action?
Codordination
Both strikes faced the lack of wider co-ordination. The most obvious
example of this was the
Co-ordination of the motor strike (retail petrol) with the chemical
strike (fuel refining), and a stronger role for Cosatu. One opinion
on this argues that Cosatu's role would be considerably strengthened
if it actually negotiated a minimum set of wages and conditions
for all workers, supplemented by union negotiated sector bargains.
Strength
or weakness?
The person days lost through strike action in 1998 are higher than
any year since 1994. What does this mean? Is it the confident forward
march of labour, or do the figures reveal a weakness of organisation?
Are the strikes so long because unions have not built up sufficient
strength to compel employers to give in to their demands? This is
an area that needs much more discussion and research d which NALEDI
plans to do in 1999.
Rob
Rees is a researcher at NALEDI in the area of union organisation.

Union density
by Conrad Jardine
The
size of a union's membership is usually used as an indication of
strength. Very little attempt has been made to measure union density.
Density
measures the number of workers which a union has organised in relation
to the total workforce in a particular sector. It allows unions
to see where they are successful, and where they have to do more
work.
The
figures which are provided here give a very general picture. They
are preliminary statistics, which are based on the official employment
figures for December 1997 and union membership as at December 1997.
The latter figures were obtained from the unions. They refer mostly
to signed up membership.
Membership
The NUM has by far the largest membership, followed by NUMSA, NEHAWU,
SADTU and SACTWU.
Density
The NUM has the highest density, followed by FAWU, NUMSA, SACTWU
and SAMWU. SADTU has a density of about 46% and NEHAWU only 24%.
What
explains the discrepancy between membership and density? Where there
are large workplaces concentrated in two or three provinces, density
is high. Where there are small or medium size workplaces scattered
across the country, density tends to be low.
For
example, there are about 400 000 mineworkers. The large mines employ
large workforces. This makes organising relatively easy. A union
like CAWU has to organise a large number of small to medium-sized
companies scattered all over the country. Union density in this
sector is low. NEHAWU organises a diverse workforce, which consists
of blue and white-collar workers and professionals. It is faced
with a core of about 800 000 civil servants, whereas SADTU's target
is a homogeneous workforce of about 350 000.
FAWU
has a target of about 200 000 workers, who are concentrated in large,
regional companies. SACCAWU has the potential to be one of the largest
unions (with a workforce of around 780 000). However, its sectors
employ a high proportion of casual and part-time workers.
Potential
Unions with a density of below 50% have enormous growth potential.
They will, however, have to exploit each and every opportunity that
exists - from mergers to improving organising to including casual
and white-collar workers. This will not be an easy task. Retrenchments,
union rivalry and trade liberalisation all make for a tough road
ahead.
Conrad
Jardine is a researcher in the area of union organisation at NALEDI.

Maternity benefits
by Liesl Orr
THROUGH
ITS constitution, the South African government has committed itself
to the elimination of discrimination based on gender and pregnancy.
This
commitment needs to be matched by policies and provisions that make
it a reality.
Providing
maternity benefits is an important way of both recognising childbirth
and parenting as a societal responsibility and ensuring that women
are not discriminated against because they bear
children. Important objectives include:
* giving women and men equal access to paid work
* enabling women and men to combine workplace and family responsibilities
* achieving equal representation of women and men at all levels
of organisations
* making women and men's family and work roles equally visible,
legitimate and valued.
In
South Africa, we are far from reaching these objectives. Huge inequalities
exist between men and women and women of different race groups.
Lower
wage earners are more affected by the rate and duration of maternity
leave and pay and will gain significantly from good benefits.
Policy
Policy recommendations should take into account the need to reduce
the vast economic and income gaps that exist. Maternity benefits
and childcare assist in facilitating and increasing the participation
of women in the labour market. They have a positive impact on gender
equality. We need to challenge the common approach to maternity
benefits, which tends to focus on costs and draws on economic arguments
rather than focussing on the actual needs of mothers and infants.
Cash
benefits give substance to the right to maternity leave. They are
an important part of a package of parental rights, including services
such as childcare.
The Basic Conditions of Employment Act provides for four months
maternity leave. The issue of payment is currently under negotiation.
Presently,
the UIF pays 45% of wages. This is below international standards,
and is far from adequate, especially for low wage earners.
Recommendations
The UIF needs to be improved in the following areas:
*
maternity benefits at full pay
* as short a qualifying period as possible
* claiming maternity benefits should not disqualify workers from
claiming unemployment benefits
* the one-third rule - which pegs the maximum benefit payable (the
combination of employer benefits and UIF) at 78% d should be abolished
* higher-income earners should not be excluded from the Fund, but
there should be a ceiling on the benefits payable
* extension of maternity benefits to domestic, casual and seasonal
workers
* increased state contribution to the fund.
Unions
must also campaign to improve parental rights through collective
bargaining.
Liesl
Orr is the co-ordinator of the Women and Work project at NALEDI.

Solidarity for engagement
by Ravi Naidoo
The
Brazilian and South African labour movements are developing a close
relationship. This encouraging trend took a further step forward
in September, when NALEDI participated in an international seminar
held in Florianopolis, Brazil.
The
seminar was hosted by Brazilian labour researchers. It focussed
on ways in which the international labour movement can influence
globalisation. In particular, what are the options facing the labour
movements of the southern hemisphere?
Globalisation
is not new. It is an ongoing and longstanding feature of capitalist
development. It is the result of a conscious effort by the transnational
corporations (TNCs), multilateral institutions and governments of
advanced countries to move beyond national markets.
The
fact that globalisation is a driven' process means that it
can be influenced.
Regional
blocs
The seminar focussed on the drivers and implications behind the
movement towards regional integration, occurring in South America
(Mercosur), Southern Africa (SADC), North America (NAFTA) and Europe
(EU).
Brazil and South Africa play the leading role in their regions.
They are surrounded by much smaller economic nations. The leading
progressive union federations in these countries - the CUT (Brazil)
and COSATU - face similar dilemmas and options.
Options
The seminar developed a number of options for unions to counter
neo-liberal globalisation:
Building
structures
Economic regionalism can be driven by conservative quarters. It
could, however, be a stepping stone for labour for the introduction
of progressive (pro-working class) interests. It could be a path
towards building strong national and regional structures to oppose
the neo-liberal agenda and introduce a counter agenda which is suited
to local conditions and needs.
Solidarity
Unions are not helpless in the face of the power of the TNCs. The
recent joint international campaign against RTZ is a case in point.
Unions in South Africa and Australia were able to apply strong pressure
on this TNC. International solidarity is able to influence economic
processes.
Links
TNCs generally still operate out of their home bases in the advanced
countries. Unions in these countries are well-placed to apply pressure.
They can work jointly with unions in the countries where the TNCs
operate. The decision by CUT and COSATU to affiliate to the ICFTU
is an opportunity to build stronger links with unions in industrialised
countries, and be able to assert such pressure.
Regulation
National regulations are likely to be undermined by the TNCs, but
international regulation is likely to increase. Malaysia's decision
to reimpose currency controls has been supported by many other countries
in the region. There is talk of introducing more powerful international
regulations over capital flows. The labour movement needs to be
at the forefront of this process.
A
new agenda
In the medium-term, it is likely that regional economic blocs will
be crucial. They are generally dominated by the interest of the
major economic power in the region. They could, however, also give
a voice' to developing countries and to needs not currently
considered. This will be an important issue for unions in these
countries to focus on. In the regional economic blocs, countries
will try to build a common economic agenda. Worker rights and other
union issues must also find their place on these agendas.
If
the unions are to take forward this agenda, there are two requirements:
* unions need the capacity to engage with international economic
and trade issues. The labour movement needs to build its research
and technical policy capacity so that it can strategically engage
theses processes.
* strong national organisation is needed, both to build a strong
union home base and to challenge any neo-liberal policies put forward
by national governments.
Those union movements with the strongest national base will have
the most to offer in engaging globalisation issues.

NALEDI research report
This research round-up lists recent NALEDI research
and highlights forthcoming work
Reflecting
on research
NALEDI researchers face a challenging task. We are expected to deliver
sound, quality research that is consistent with labour's political
objectives within strict time and budgetary constraints.
NALEDI
decided to organise a formal methods research course for its researchers.
The course, which ran over six months, was also attended by union-based
researchers.
A
discussion paper, entitled Getting it done, and getting it right,
was developed during the course.
Some of the themes addressed in the paper are:
* research and politics
* what is research?
* research at NALEDI
* positionality in research
* researching for labour
* research and funders
* research under deadline
* balancing time and quality
* what norms? Whose standards?
* building a progressive research community.
The
paper and the research methods framework is work in progress that
will develop through practice and discussion in the labour movement.
Regional
trade
In August 1996 the SADC countries signed an historic agreement which
aims to turn southern Africa into a free trade area by the year
2004. This involves the gradual elimination of tariff and non-tariff
barriers to trade.
It
is important that trade amongst SADC countries leads to industrial
development and the diversification of production.
Each
SADC country has different labour standards, wage costs and levels
of social security. Capital, which is highly mobile, will move to
countries with the lowest labour costs. A growing number of South
Africa manufacturers are relocating to other countries in the region.
In
conjunction with the Human Sciences Research Council (HSRC), NALEDI
has been conducting research into capital flows from South Africa
into neighbouring countries. The research focuses on the clothing
and textile industries.
The
study finds that relocation to neighbouring countries has been triggered
by tariff liberalisation. Capital is also taking advantage of the
preferential trade agreements between South Africa and Malawi, and
South Africa and Mozambique.
There
are significant differences in wages and benefits across the region,
and union strength and membership. There is a need for effective,
independent unions, which have extensive rights to organise workers.
Trustee
training
In December 1998 the law on pension funds will change. From this
date, member representatives must make up 50% of Boards of Trustees.
This is a significant step towards democratising an industry which
is worth R600-billion.
Trustee
Boards are responsible for the day-to-day management of the pension
fund, the benefits payable and how the fund invests its assets.
In the past, pension funds have been viewed as the property of the
employer.
The
changes to the law pose great challenges to the union movement.
NALEDI's report on Pension funds: Trustee training provides information
on the nature and extent of provident and pension funds in which
union members are involved and trends in current trustee training.
Migrant
labour
Employers in the construction industry have responded to falling
profits by using labour-only subcontractors. It is estimated that
up to half of all the workers in this sector are foreign. Many are
undocumented workers from Mozambique.
The
NALEDI report on the impact of Mozambican migrants on the construction
sector finds that employers are using migrants to drive wages and
benefits down. It concludes that the construction unions must organise
all workers in this sector.
NALEDI
undertakes labour and economic research. Its main focus is policy
research which will build the capacity of the labour movement to
engage effectively with the challenges of our new society.NALEDI
is an initiative of COSATU, but is controlled by an independent
board.
NALEDI's main focus areas are labour markets, economic, trade and
industrial policy, union organisation and women and work. Our activities
include the production of research reports and policy memos, facilitating
workshops and training and library facilities and resources.
Contact NALEDI at:
6th floor COSATU House, 1 Leyds Street,
Braamfontein, Johannesburg. PO Box 5665
Johannesburg 2000
Tel: (011) 403-2122
Fax: (011) 403-1948
email: naledi@naledi.org.za
website:http://www.naledi.org.za
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